LONDON: When
Nick Clegg, viewed by many observers as one of Britain's brightest
young politicians, became a member of the European Parliament in 1999,
he wanted to help build the grand European project and secure Britain's
place in it.
Five years later, Clegg, a 37-year-old Liberal Democrat, has grown disillusioned with the British electorate, and its indifference or even burgeoning hostility toward the European vision. After the European elections on June 10, he is leaving Brussels and returning home to forge a career in local British politics instead.
"The vexed debate about Britain's role in Europe is worse than it was under Margaret Thatcher," Clegg said recently by phone from Brussels.
"It is ironic that we have a pro-European prime minister but he has presided over a degeneration of the debate in the U.K. You realize your work does not make any difference. I may be winning my battles in the committee rooms of Strasbourg and Brussels. But meanwhile the war for hearts and minds is being lost back home."
For the nations of continental Europe, the EU may be a thrilling and glorious undertaking, a way to heal the wounds of World War II and overcome Europe's political obscurity by creating a geopolitical equal to the United States. But across the English Channel, Europe remains a bogeyman and fault line of British politics.
French, Germans, Italians have embraced the euro enthusiastically, and in many countries, despite skepticism and weariness with European bureaucracies, talk of an eventual federal Europe is a source of political excitement.
Yet, Britain continues to stand aloof from its continental neighbors, wary of European intrigues and incursions, rejecting the euro and proud of its older, sovereign democratic traditions. Many Britons see a robust trans-Atlantic alliance with the United States as preferable to submersion in a European federation.
After the EU political fault lines helped topple the Thatcher government, Tony Blair, in the first blush of his premiership, wanted to do things differently by finally leading Britain more fully into the continent's embrace. Yet in April, hardening public opinion, stirred by a Europhobic tabloid press, helped force him to pledge a referendum on the EU's proposed constitutional treaty, possibly after the next general election, which could turn into a vote on Britain's place in the EU itself. As even pro-European Blair has grown shy of campaigning vigorously for the European cause, the voices most often heard now in Britain are those of either strident anti-Europeanism, or indifference. The ambivalence is likely to mark Britain's elections to the European Parliament, its part in one of the biggest exercises of democracy on the globe. Although the Parliament is increasingly influential, and is the only internationally elected assembly anywhere, the election of the 78 British seats in the 732-member body has been greeted with a shrug of indifference from voters more concerned about Blair's pressing difficulties in Iraq or summer train strikes than anything to do with the technicalities of Brussels' legislation.
In the last election, five years ago, British voter turnout was barely one in four, the lowest in the EU. According to opinion polls, this time around it is likely to be slightly higher, at about one in three. But this is still low compared with the approximately 45 percent expected for the whole Union, illustrating once again what Clegg calls Britain's dangerous "democratic deficit."
The British government has tried to close that gap. In this election, mail-in ballots are allowed in 4 of the 12 voting regions (though there have been delays in getting forms to voters), and the European vote has been scheduled to coincide with local elections for about 5,000 council seats in England and Wales, and elections for mayor and an assembly in London.
"Super Thursday," as election day has become known, will be the first chance voters have had to register their displeasure over the war in Iraq, whose unpopularity has only increased with evidence of abuse of Iraqi prisoners and the failure to find weapons of mass destruction. This may precipitate a swing away from Labour to Liberal Democrats, the only main party that campaigned openly against Britain's involvement in the war. But Iraq is not the only source of voter discontent. While the economy is strong, Labour is perceived to have done poorly on public services like transportation and education, despite pouring billions into the public sector. Any weakness in the polls will almost certainly trigger fresh speculation about challenges to Blair's leadership of the Labour Party.
"Blair has lost a lot of credibility as a trust figure," said Colin Hay, professor of political analysis at Birmingham University. "This will be a test."
In addition, if scheduling other elections together with the European vote caused any upsurge in voter interest, this is marked mainly by a swing toward nationalistic, anti-European and anti-immigration sentiment rather than any increasing affection for Brussels.
This may benefit the Conservative Party, which opposes the proposed EU constitution and switch to the euro even while insisting that Britain play a constructive role in the EU ("In Europe, not run by Europe" is one of the Tories' election slogans.) Certainly, the path to a bright political future in Britain does not seem to lie through Europe.
"I have done my stint," Clegg said last week in Brussels, after a debate in a hotel meeting room with Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the former French finance minister. During the debate, which centered on the future of the European project, Clegg thundered about a "crisis of legitimacy," the "gap between the aspirations of the EU and the disaffection of the electorate," and warned of a possible "political conflagration" - all to the slightly brow-furrowed disapproval of Strauss-Kahn.
Afterward, sipping coffee in the hotel bar, Clegg expanded on his remarks. "The gap is most acute in the UK," he said. "If you are Italian or Belgian, you don't suffer that weird sense of a parallel universe" that British members of the European Parliament do.
Now he intends to run for a safe seat in Sheffield in northern England for the Liberal Democrats. If elected, he says only half sadly, he "probably won't come back at all" to Brussels.
According to polls, small parties could attract attention by grabbing disproportionate shares of the small number of votes cast next week. The far-right British National Party may thrive in northern areas like Yorkshire, where it is fielding about 100 candidates for council elections. Another beneficiary of the anti-European sentiment could be the U.K. Independence Party, which is campaigning for Britain's immediate withdrawal from the EU. Buoyed by recent large business donations, it has had high-profile endorsements from the actress Joan Collins and Robert Kilroy-Silk, a broadcaster and former Labour member of Parliament who has described Arabs generally as "limb amputators" and "suicide bombers" and is running for the European Parliament as a member of the U.K. Independence Party.
Nigel Farage, one of the U.K. Independence Party's three members of European Parliament, is a commodities broker who wears a pin-striped suit and has a silver pound sign lapel pin. His heroes, he says, are Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher and Winston Churchill. "Better to be dead than subjugated," he said last week, drawing on a cigarette in a Westminster café.
Another U.K. Independence Party candidate, Stephen Harris, an American and British citizen who served in the U.S. Navy in Vietnam, draws parallels between the EU and Soviet Communism and the American North's defeat of the South in the civil war. "Now they are trying to take 25 countries and 21 languages and put us into one homogenized, pasteurized goo," he said from his office in southeast England. "They are crazy. What are they smoking?"
Anthony King, professor of government at Essex University, said the U.K. Independence Party "is proving able to tap into a very widespread feeling in the U.K. that the EU interferes too much in Britain's internal affairs."
"It will probably get 15, 20 percent of the vote," he added, "and that will be the sensation." According to a poll last week by YouGov for The Daily Telegraph, Labour and the Conservatives could each garner about a quarter of the European vote, and the Liberal Democrats about 18 percent. The U.K. Independence Party could triple its three seats to nine, though Robert Worcester, of the polling group MORI, doubts that it will do as well as that. The results will be known on the night of June 13, after polling places have closed in all member states. While Clegg has conceded defeat over the European Parliament, Mary Honeyball, a Labour member of the European Parliament from London who is running for another parliamentary term, still considers the struggle worthwhile. "I try to emphasize the small positive things we have done that make a difference to people's lives," she said last week.
Honeyball ran for Parliament in Britain but failed twice. During the last five years as a member of the European Parliament, she has campaigned for women's rights and sat on the EU economic and monetary affairs committee, which scrutinizes the European central bank and financial services industry.
Last week, the station was almost empty except for high-speed trains roaring past toward central London. One potential voter approached, only to complain about excessive pay and expenses for members of the European Parliament. Another, the station manager, Terry Killeen, said he was a Tory but probably would not vote next week.
Honeyball looked resigned. "If you have got a couple of minutes on the doorstep with somebody," she said later, on the train back toward central London, "you don't go on about the grand European vision. They would think you were slightly mad."
International Herald Tribune
UPDATE JUNE 18th 2004STRASBOURG, France (Reuters) - The European Parliament voted on Wednesday to scrap Britain's fiercely guarded opt-out from the EU's 48-hour maximum work week, reopening a long-running ideological battle with London.
The European Union legislature voted by 378 to 262 with 15 abstentions to abolish after three years a provision under which governments can allow firms to ignore the limit.
Britain, which regards flexible labour laws as vital for economic efficiency, voiced dismay but said the vote was only a stage in a complex legislative process and the proposals would now go back to the executive European Commission for revision.
"We are very disappointed that they have taken this decision," Employment Minister Gerry Sutcliffe told BBC radio. "I think that the European employment ministers ... will accept our position."
A coalition of Socialist, Greens and Christian Democratic lawmakers voted to tighten the rules on working time in the name of health and safety, endorsing a report by Spanish Socialist Alejandro Cercas that said the opt-out had led to major abuses.
Members of the Labour party in the EU assembly defied Tony Blair to vote with the abolitionists despite intensive phone lobbying by cabinet ministers.
"The force of the argument was such that every one of the Labour MEPs ... pledged to vote with the Socialist group on this," Labour MEP Stephen Hughes told Reuters.
The Conservatives and Liberal Democrats said the revolt in Strasbourg showed Blair was losing his grip on his own party, which was re-elected last week with a slashed majority.
The Trades Union Congress says around 3.75 million people in Britain work more than 48 hours a week, among them junior hospital doctors in the National Health Service, truck drivers, workers on North Sea oil rigs, and many managers.
QUALIFIED MAJORITY
Member governments must approve a final version of the legislation by qualified majority in the EU Council, and Britain will need to put together a blocking minority of several countries if it is to preserve its opt-out.
"It will only be agreed if parliament, the member states and the Commission can agree on the same version," a British spokeswoman in Brussels said.
Commission spokeswoman Katharina von Schnurbein said the EU executive did not agree with parliament's bid to scrap the opt-out 36 months after a new law comes into force, and would maintain its proposal to allow individuals to opt voluntarily to work longer where there was no collective agreement.
London hopes for support from new ex-communist east European member states who oppose stricter labour laws.
Right-wing Polish MEP Konrad Szymanski said in a statement: "Today's vote is a black day for the European enterpreneurship. In its shape approved today, the directive would become one of the most economically harmful elements of the European law.
"They have decided to impose the worst legacy of the French and German economies on those countries which do not want that, such as Poland, Britain and Ireland."
The Confederation of British Industry, an employers' group, said abolition could cost millions of jobs and urged the government to stand firm.
"There is no place for handcuffs in a competitive economy -- as long as employees work in safe conditions and have freedom of choice they should also have the freedom to work, " CBI director-general Digby Jones said in a statement.
"Reports of widescale UK employer abuse of the opt-out are grossly exaggerated ... How can Europe possibly hope to compete with the likes of China and India in the 21st century global economy?" he said.
In another headache for governments, parliament voted that all on-call time should be counted as working time, endorsing a 2003 EU court judgement which said that even if doctors were asleep when on-call, it still counted.
The European Commission had proposed that doctors could no longer count time spent on call in hospital as working time if they were not actually deployed, an effort to ease the burden on governments and the health sector.
The assembly did give some leeway, suggesting that inactive parts of on-call time could be calculated differently to comply with the 48 hours maximum working week.
END OF REUTERS REPORT.Monday July 4, 03:06 PM | |
BRUSSELS (Reuters) - The European Union budget chief expressed doubts on Monday about Prime Minister Tony Blair's plan to launch fundamental economic reform of the bloc, saying it lacked substance so far and created divisions in the EU.
EU Budget Commissioner Dalia Grybauskaite, who met Blair last week, said she was pessimistic about Britain's ability to steer the EU towards a deal on its 2007-2013 budget during its six-month presidency which started on Friday.
She said Blair's liberal reform agenda, unveiled at the European Parliament last month, had so far produced only a theoretical debate, which could distract the EU's 25 members from reaching the budget deal this year.
"Today, I can see only the willingness to engage in a battle, to engage in the discussion about reforms, without really identifying the substance of reforms," Grybauskaite, a former finance minister of Lithuania, told reporters.
"Any European discussion on reforms is a long process ... If the goal is to restore the damaged image at home by fashionable discussion on reform, if we will see that by December, I can evaluate it as an example of irresponsible ... populism," she said, but declined to blame Blair directly.
Agreement on the budget is important to help lift the EU out of the political doldrums caused by the double rejection of its constitution in French and Dutch referendums and aggravated by the failure of last month's summit on the long-term budget, political analysts said.
"It's mainly a war of words, maybe more political rhetoric which we hear at the media level. All sides do not yet engage in real discussions about reforms," said Grybauskaite.
DEEPENING CRISIS
Grybauskaite said the EU crisis would deepen if the bloc failed to agree on the budget by December, the end of Blair's presidency, and if Britain's reform drive did not bring results.
Blair has vowed to try to overhaul the EU's economic and social model to allow the bloc to cope with globalisation and has called a special summit for later this year to discuss the sustainability of the European social model.
He has also pledged efforts to secure a budget deal, which is crucial for the EU's new member states from eastern Europe to receive billions of euros in the bloc's aid to modernise their economies damaged by decades of communist rule.
Blair's drive to cut the EU's expensive farm aid and liberalise economic legislation will be opposed by France and Germany, with the former eager to protect generous farm funds it receives from the EU and the latter keen not to jeopardises its social welfare model.
Blair helped to block a budget deal at the summit on June 17, resisting demands for a scale-down in Britain's contested rebate from EU coffers while pushing for an overhaul of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP).
She warned that new member states such as Poland and the Baltic republics would lose billions of euros in EU aid unless the budget agreement is reached by December.
If it is not, Austria would seek to clinch a deal at the end of its presidency in June.
5 October 2006
Tony Blair met his Finnish counterpart in Number 10 for talks ahead of an informal summit of European leaders later this month.
Finland currently have Presidency of the EU and Matti Vanhanen and Mr Blair covered a wide range of issues during their Downing Street discussions.
Speaking to journalists afterwards, the PM praised Mr Vanhanen for his handling of the Presidency so far, adding:
"There are really difficult issues, but I think as ever Finland has shown itself extremely capable of dealing with them."
Mr Vanhanen's stated priorities for his six-month Presidency include the future of the EU, competitiveness, external relations, and justice and home affairs.
The two leaders will meet again at an informal summit of the 25 member nations in Finland later this month.
Looking ahead to the summit in Lahti on October 20, the PM said migration, energy policy and the importance of innovation in Europe's economy would be on the agenda.
Mr Blair went on to answer questions about the NATO forces operating in Afghanistan, of which Finland are a part.
While in London, Prime Minister Vanhanen will deliver a lecture on the challenges of globalisation at the London School of Economics.
A study of 1,000 chief executives for Open Europe, a think-tank which wants an overhaul of the 25-nation bloc, found 60% favoured a new settlement.
Meanwhile, 54% suggested that EU over-regulation "outweighs" the benefit of a single market.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel says she will try to cut red tape when Germany becomes EU president next year.
'Too much legislation'
The poll, by ICM, suggests businesses - by a margin of 60% to 30% - would support moves to renegotiate existing treaties to reduce the powers of the EU back to a basic free trade area.
Some 52% suggested the organisation was "failing", compared with 36% who said it was "a success".
Open Europe's director, Neil O'Brien, told BBC Radio 4's Today programme: "There's a feeling that there's too much legislation...
"There's a perception that the costs are outweighing the benefits of the single market."
ICM polled a range of businesses, including a quarter with more than 250 employees and a quarter with four or fewer.
Its findings contrast with a recent survey of 50 chief executives of FTSE 100 and FTSE 250 companies by YouGov.
It found 34 thought the single market had been positive for business and that 39 would prefer Britain to stay in the EU.
European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso is expected to call for critics not to "sulk from the periphery" in a speech in London on Monday.
The law is designed to make firms prove the thousands of chemicals they use in products from cars to clothes are safe.
It comes after years of wrangling between firms keen to avoid more red tape and environmentalists seeking to cut the use of hazardous pollutants.
EU nations will have until 2018 to implement the new rules.
Safety standards
Reach has been described as the most important piece of EU legislation for 20 years.
|
REACH IN NUMBERS
1,000 pages of text
30,000 chemicals to be registered over 11
years
At least one million more animal tests
Billions of euros saved in healthcare costs
|
It is also meant to encourage the replacement of hazardous chemicals with safer ones, and to spur innovation.
However, environmentalists had always hoped the law would go further than it did in its final version - and industry groups still say it went too far.
"This deal is an early Christmas present for the chemicals industry, rewarding it for its intense and underhand lobbying campaign," said Green MEP Caroline Lucas.
Alain Perroy, director general of the European Chemical Industry Council (Cefic) said his members regretted the "unnecessary requirements" introduced for authorisation of chemicals.
New agency
Environment Commissioner Stavros Dimas said it would "increase our knowledge about chemicals, enhance safety, and spur innovation, while encouraging substitution of highly dangerous chemicals by safer ones".
|
What has been agreed must now
be implemented properly and we will actively monitor the situation
BEUC director Jim Murray |
"What has been agreed must now be implemented properly and we will actively monitor the situation," warned BEUC director Jim Murray.
He pointed out that the deal still allows some cancer-causing substances and other poisonous chemicals to be used in consumer products, even when safer substances exist, as long as they have been subject to "adequate" control.
"The only adequate form of control for such substances is substitution when possible," he said.
The system for registration, evaluation and authorisation of chemicals (Reach) demands that firms provide lists of the chemicals they use and specify any possible risks.
A newly-established agency in Finland will oversee the way the firms assess chemicals for safety.
The register will initially focus on the most toxic chemicals and those produced in the largest quantity.
Issues unresolved
Manufacturers will have to come up with plans to replace the most hazardous chemicals, but they will not be banned outright as environmentalists had hoped.
While the EU said the deal improved the safety standard of chemicals, green lobbyists were angered by what they saw as the EU bowing to industry pressure.
Conservation body the WWF said the final text of Reach "was not the complete disaster that it would have been if the chemical industry lobby had succeeded in all their wrecking tactics" but said it left a number of substantial problems unsolved.
It also warned that the deal would continue to allow potentially harmful chemicals into the environment.
'Right advice'
After the legislation was passed the UK's Federation of Small Businesses (FSB) called on its government to help small firms.
"This regulation will affect small businesses that manufacture or import chemicals in the EU as well as those using chemical preparations in their industrial or commercial activities," it said.
It said that the cost of complying with the new rules would hit small firms "especially hard" because they were "least able to absorb costs or pass them on to their customers, unlike larger businesses".
John Holbrow of the FSB added: "Civil servants must bear in mind the thousands of jobs across the business spectrum that depend on Reach being implemented well.
"With the right advice small firms can do their bit without being left exposed to prosecution due to their understandable lack of resources and specialised knowledge."
And the CBI warned: "An overly bureaucratic implementation of the regulations could yet undo the benefits of today's sensible compromise and make REACH unworkable."
Cameron's policy is 'disaster' for UK
A former In
an interview with ePolitix.com Denis MacShane, who still advises the
government on European affairs, also said that if Gordon Brown became
prime minister he could help transform the EU economy. "So
you have a situation where the Tories under Cameron are now
further to
the right than they were under Michael Howard or Iain Duncan
Smith. The
Tories' rupture with political parties in And
referring to the UK's need for allies post-Iraq, MacShane went on:
"Britain needs all the friends it can find at the moment and for the
main opposition party to say to all of its sister parties in Europe
'drop dead we don't want to touch you with a barge pole' is incredibly
negative and very bad for the interests of the UK." On how a Brown-led government would approach "I don't think "Otherwise
Ed Balls has been making some very pro-European speeches, heaping
praise on European commissioners, which is a rare thing to hear. "He
has also been pointing out that the EU is an important challenge to a
Brown administration and that if we want to solve many of our problems
from crime and terrorism to immigration and the environment then we
have to do it with |
|
Deemed too politically and economically backward for membership during the EU's first eastward expansion in 2004, the Black Sea neighbours squeezed through the door in what political analysts say was the last chance to join this decade.
The accession of the poor, ex-communist duo raises the EU's membership to 27 states, almost half of them former eastern bloc countries cut off from the West by the Iron Curtain until 1989.
"Today a dream came true, a dream of generations of Bulgarians who have always wanted to live together with the free European peoples in peace and prosperity," Bulgarian Prime Minister Sergei Stanishev said at an outdoor concert in Sofia.
The EU's new borders will stretch from the Atlantic and Baltic in the west and north to the Black Sea in the southeast.
Romania -- the larger of the two -- and Bulgaria will together boost the EU's population by 30 million, to 490 million, but will add just 1 percent to its economic output.
Their membership has sparked debate over the EU's eventual borders, with some member states fearing further expansion could bring waves of immigration and crime that could drive their citizens out of jobs and lead to instability.
Other EU hopefuls such as Turkey and countries in the western Balkans now face the prospect of a long wait.
In France, where "enlargement fatigue" is particularly strong, President Jacques Chirac hailed the new wave of accession as a step in the reconciliation of Europe.
"Sofia and Bucharest are once again European capitals," he said, according to the text of a speech released by his office.
LONG AND DIFFICULT ROAD
"We are Home!" said a headline in the Bulgarian newspaper Trud in a special New Year's day edition.
"You travelled a long and difficult road to get here. Welcome to the European Union family," German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier said after meeting Romanian officials.
Germany takes over the EU presidency on January 1 and will face the monumental task of spearheading the bloc's institutional reform which is crucial to further enlargement.
Eager to tap 40 billion euros (27 billion pounds) in EU development funds to overhaul dilapidated infrastructure and boost industry, Bulgaria and Romania hope membership will help them close a huge wealth gap with the West.
However, problems remain. Brussels has already criticised the new members for doing too little to combat corruption and -- particularly in Bulgaria -- organised crime gangs born from the ex-communist secret services that control large parts of the economy.
Although their economies are growing fast, income per capita is just a third of the EU average.
Diplomats fear that, having achieved EU admission, politicians may relax on reforms and Brussels has vowed to monitor the new members, threatening to penalise them if they fall behind.
As loud music from Sunday's celebration concerts echoed through the streets, Bulgarians and Romanians hoped their new status would mean an end to prejudice and isolation they felt as non-EU members.
"Until today when I have gone to other countries, every waitress, every salesman turned up his nose when hearing I come from Romania," said salesman Sergiu Radu, 27.
"I hope this means an end to that shame and frustration."
MARCH
05
2007
The Environment Secretary has a lot to do if he is going to get
Europe's car manufacturers to meet any sensible target. He is lecturing
on it but unless these lectures are a warning of coming legislation we
are not going to get far
The EU must become the "environmental union" and make tackling climate change its primary purpose, David Miliband has said.
The environment secretary, delivering a lecture
at
the University of Cambridge, said strong political leadership would
prove vital in moving into a "post-oil", low-carbon economy.
http://www.epolitix.com/EN/News/200703/57a6e595-ac42-41fd-9d4d-9604928d8303.htm
European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso said Europe was now able to lead the way on climate change.
The 27 EU states will each decide how they contribute to meeting a 20% boost overall in renewable fuel use by 2020.
The measures could include a ban on filament light bulbs by 2010, forcing people to switch to fluorescent bulbs.
The bulbs last longer but more are more expensive to buy.
In another key measure, agreed on Thursday, EU leaders said they would cut carbon dioxide emissions by 20% from 1990 levels by 2020.
BBC world affairs correspondent Nick Childs says there is an air of real achievement in Brussels.
But, he says, the compromises over each nation's share of the burden in reaching the targets have yet to be negotiated, meaning the hard decisions may still lie ahead.
'Crucial issue'
Mr Barroso described the agreement as historic, saying it was the most significant in which he had played a part.
"We can say to the rest of the world, Europe is taking the lead, you should join us in fighting climate change," he said.
|
We can avoid what could well be
a human calamity Angela Merkel German Chancellor |
"It gives Europe a clear leadership position on this crucial issue facing the world."
Looking ahead to the G8 summit of industrialised nations in June, Mr Blair said the European deal would give "a good chance" of getting the US, China and India on board too.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who chaired the two-day summit, also welcomed the package of binding measures.
|
HAVE YOUR SAY
The EU deal on climate change is totally unnecessary,
given that Man is not causing global warming Andrew Howlett, Manchester |
"We can avoid what could well be a human calamity."
The EU plan involves:
EU officials are working on a directive that would compel the use of modern low-energy fluorescent light bulbs. It could come into force as early as next year.
The Australian government announced similar plans to phase out old-style filament bulbs last month.
Nuclear concession
The statement on renewable energy sources allows flexibility in how each country contributes to the overall target for the EU.
The final text allayed their fears by stating that "differentiated national overall targets" for renewables would be set, "with due regard to a fair and adequate allocation taking account of different national starting points".
In what is viewed as a concession to France, the text recognises the contribution of nuclear energy in "meeting the growing concerns about safety of energy supply and carbon dioxide emissions reductions".
However, it also highlights safety concerns, stating that "nuclear safety and security" should be "paramount in the decision-making process".
It is thought the EU could offer to extend its 20% target for emissions cuts to 30% if other heavy polluters like the US, China and India come on board.
MARCH 23rd 2007
However, the declaration will not specifically mention the controversial EU draft constitution.
It will speak of "renewing in time for the 2009 European Parliamentary elections the basis on which the European Union is built".
EU leaders are to endorse the text at a special summit in Berlin on Sunday.
Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi has told the BBC that without a constitution Europe will die - a view that Britain and some other member states firmly reject.
The draft constitution - so far ratified by 16 of the 27 member states - was rejected by French and Dutch voters in referendums in 2005.
Constitution battle
The German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, has told Germany's Bild Zeitung newspaper that the enlarged 27-member EU needs a new constitution to streamline decision-making.
|
It would be unthinkable to vote
in the next European elections without
having first built a clear and functioning institutional framework
Romano Prodi Italian Prime Minister |
Meanwhile in Rome, where the treaty that led to the EU was signed, European Commission president Jose Manuel Barroso said European politicians had to convince citizens that the EU was the best answer to 21st-Century challenges such as globalisation and sustainable growth.
But Czech President Vaclav Klaus told BBC News the failure to agree on a constitution had not caused a crisis in the EU.
"The people who want to accelerate the unification process are in a hurry and normal people in Europe are not in a hurry," he said.
He said the secrecy surrounding the text of the Berlin Declaration was "ridiculous" and an example of an EU tendency to push decisions through without proper debate.
However, he said he was not going to undermine the summit.
Britain, the Czech Republic and Poland are particularly wary of efforts to revive the constitution.
Berlin's big bash
Berliners are being invited to a party thrown by the EU to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome.
There will also be free bratwurst and beer, and museums will open all night.
The two-day party, on 24-25 March, is being held in Germany because the country currently holds the rotating presidency of the EU.
Berlin - a formerly war-torn and divided city - is also seen as a symbolic venue in which to celebrate the modern unity of Europe.
Chancellor Merkel, French President Jacques Chirac and British Prime Minister Tony Blair will attend a performance of Beethoven's 5th Symphony by the Berlin Philharmonic, followed by a banquet and a firework display.
The general public, meanwhile, will be treated to a free open-air concert near the Brandenburg Gate by bands from all over Europe.
They include veteran English rocker Joe Cocker, Scottish folk band The Unusual Suspects, and Outlandish, a Danish-Moroccan trio.
MARCH
26th
2007
The
last
paragraph
is
particularly
interesting
The
Independent Published: 26 March 2007
Germany's Chancellor, Angela Merkel, has seized the initiative over the European constitution by outlining ambitious plans to clinch an end-of-year deal on a fresh treaty that would include new powers for the EU.
Ms Merkel used celebrations for the 50th birthday of the EU yesterday to speed up the timetable for salvaging parts of a constitution that has been in limbo since French and Dutch voters rejected it in a referendum in 2005.
A summit in Berlin paved the way for an inter-governmental conference - the only body that can re-write the EU's rule book - that could be wound up by the end of the year. That would enable each of the 27 nations to ratify the new agreement next year, allowing it to come into force before the next European elections in 2009.
Ms Merkel, who holds the EU's rotating presidency, made it clear that she foresees a treaty giving the EU new powers over energy policy and one in which fewer decisions on justice and interior matters are subject to national vetoes.
EU leaders broadly backed the fast-track approach but remain divided on the content of the treaty which will take the place of the constitution. Britain has made it clear that it agrees with the timetable only so long as it involves a slimmed down text that does not trigger a referendum in the UK - though it has yet to lay down what this means.
The constitution would have reformed decision-making for an enlarged EU, creating a slimmer European Commission, a full time president of the European Council, where governments meet, an EU foreign minister and creating a voting system based on population size.
Tony Blair said that the reforms "need to be resolved", adding: "I think the sooner it is resolved the better, actually". But he also reminded supporters of the constitution that there were "two 'no' votes in France and Holland and we have to be realistic about that".
The Dutch government this week insisted a new treaty "must, in content, scope and name, convincingly differ" from the constitution. The Poles and Czechs are also sceptical and Ireland's premier, Bertie Ahern, called for a "dose of reality" around the table.
Ms Merkel's plan envisages a decision in June to open an inter-governmental conference in the second half of the year, when the Portuguese hold the rotating presidency of the EU.
"People feel we have to take a decision in June about a road map with a certain content - without prejudging anything in the IGC," she said. "We have often said that the IGC should ... be short and concentrated." As part of the celebrations, European leaders endorsed a three-page "Berlin Declaration" setting a mid-2009 deadline for establishing a "renewed common basis" for the EU, while leaving out the word "constitution".
Even though Ms Merkel is ready to drop the use of the "c" word when discussing the new treaty, the Chancellor faces acute difficulties in getting the agreement of all 27 member states on the contents of a new text.
The Polish President, Lech Kaczynski, said that ratifying a new treaty to reform European Union institutions in place of the stalled EU constitution in 2009 was "unachievable".
Berlin is hamstrung until France has elected a new president in May and faces the added difficulty of a change of premiership in Britain. The likely new prime minister, Gordon Brown, is generally more Eurosceptical than Mr Blair. Both the Belgian Prime Minister, Guy Verhofstadt, and his Danish counterpart, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, said that a deal by the end of the year was essential if the EU was to hit its 2009 deadline.
The Italian premier, Romano Prodi, said that Germany would press for a "very tight" calendar for negotiating a new treaty when the leaders next meet in June. Yesterday's meeting was held against the background of two days of celebrations to mark the 50th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Rome, which gave birth to what became the EU. In her ceremonial speech, Ms Merkel recalled Britain's scepticism about the prospects of European integration in the run-up to the signing of the treaty.
She quoted a British official, Russell Bretherton, who is reported to have told a key meeting in Messina: "The future treaty you are discussing has no chance of being agreed: if it was agreed, it would have no chance of being ratified; and if it was ratified, it would have no chance of being applied."
Chancellor Merkel had the first laugh. Presenting the formal declaration to mark the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, she quoted the confidently pessimistic forecast of the British observer at Messina where the treaty was prepared. If the treaty was agreed, he prophesied, it would not be ratified; if ratified, it would have no chance of coming into force. Thus did the hapless Russell Bretherton encapsulate Britain's hopeful lack of faith in the European idea - a thread of wishful thinking that has persisted, one way or another, to this day.
The newly opened question is whether Ms Merkel will have the last laugh, too. Discreetly, she has used Germany's presidency of the EU to inch the idea of a constitutional treaty back on to the agenda. Her efforts have not been met with the scorn that might have been expected, given that the last attempt at a treaty was rejected by France and the Netherlands and abandoned by a crocodile-tear-shedding Tony Blair.
Yesterday's Berlin declaration closed with the following oblique reference to a new treaty. "We must always renew the political shape of Europe in keeping with the times," it said. "This is why today... we are united in our aim of placing the European Union on a renewed common basis before the European Parliament elections in 2009." Boldly, the declaration set not only an objective, but a timetable.
Much - but not as much as the British might hope - waits on the results of the French election. A diversion could be created by Poland, arguing about the mention God. But yet again it is timorous Britain that will be on the spot.
APRIL
21st
2007
The Prime Minister has finally set out his stall on the vexed subject of the European constitution. Mr Blair has said he hopes he and his fellow European leaders will be able to agree on the framework for a new constitutional treaty when they meet in June. He claims that Britain will not hold a referendum on the resulting document after all.
This is the right approach. Mr Blair was wrong to promise a British referendum on the constitution three years ago. Such a poll would have been an historical anomaly. There was, for instance, no referendum in Britain on the Maastricht Treaty, which imposed a more far-reaching and significant settlement.
The "pause for reflection" on the constitution called after French and Dutch voters rejected the document in twin referenda in 2005 has now gone on long enough. While two key members of the union rejected the document, we must not forget that 18 member states did ratify the original text.
The time has come to focus on practicalities. Europe needs the institutional reorganisation outlined in the constitution. Thanks to two waves of enlargement in three years, the EU has gone from a union of 15 states to 27. The European Council's voting system needs to reflect this changed reality. And the German Chancellor Angela Merkel is right to make progress on this front a central objective of her country's EU presidency.
But while Mr Blair's fresh focus on resurrecting the treaty is welcome, it is a shame that it has been accompanied by the usual cynical spin. Only last week we were told that Mr Blair was planning to reject a revival of the treaty. In fact, he is planning to accept it in a marginally altered form.
We heard similar double talk over Britain's EU budget rebate in 2005. There was much posturing from Mr Blair at home and assertions that Britain would never give up the rebate. But, in the end, the Prime Minister sensibly did a deal to bring this anomaly to an end. And let us remember the context in which Mr Blair announced in 2004 that there was to be a British referendum on the constitution. After months of denying the need for such a public vote, the Prime Minister suddenly and unexpectedly relented. This was a transparent device to silence the virulently anti-European right wing press and the Conservatives, which were both working up a head of steam in opposition to the constitution.
Sadly, this sort of short-termist manoeuvring has characterised Mr Blair's entire approach to Europe. Mr Blair should not be trying to conceal what he is doing on Britain's behalf in Europe. He should be up-front about it. If this institutional reorganisation is good for Britain, he should come out and say so unambiguously. His persistent failure to make the case for Europe has allowed popular prejudice and ignorance surrounding the EU to go unchallenged.
The damage this does should not be underestimated. When it comes to the major challenges of our times such as climate change, peacekeeping and trade reform, Europe is indispensable. The unchecked growth of an anti-European mindset in Britain is diminishing our power to help to shape the world for the better.
This June's summit will be Mr Blair's final act on the European stage. He no doubt wants to be able to cite breaking the impasse over the treaty as one of his lasting achievements. One successful summit will not gloss over Mr Blair's distinctly patchy record with respect to Europe. But if Mr Blair is serious about boosting his European credentials, he should spend his time between now and the summit explaining loudly and clearly to the British public the merits of the European Union.
I
AGREE WITH THAT EDITORIAL ABOVE. I DISAGREE WITH WILLIAM
HAGUE (CITED BELOW)
Prospects of resuscitating key parts of Europe's constitution increased sharply yesterday as Tony Blair led a new bandwagon to avoid holding referendums across Europe on a new, alternative, treaty.
Britain's manoeuvre removes one of the main obstacles to efforts to salvage key elements of the constitution which was voted down by the French and the Dutch in plebiscites in 2005 after the threat of rejection by the voters.
The change of heart improves the prospects of getting agreement on a new text by the end of this year but provoked opposition claims that the constitution would be sneaked in "by the back door". It also marks a retreat by the UK's pro-Europeans who once argued that only a referendum victory would remove the poison from the EU issue in Britain and silence the Eurosceptics.
In fact, across the EU, policy-makers now accept that it is virtually impossible to win plebiscites in all the key countries in the 27-nation bloc. In addition to the UK the Netherlands now hopes to avoid a referendum and Nicholas Sarkozy, the front-runner in the French presidential elections, has said he would not put a new treaty to the people.
Another country with Eurosceptic public opinion, Denmark, is considering its position and its Prime Minister, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, said that an agreement might not require a popular vote. Mr Blair's announcement was seen as helpful to Mr Rasmussen.
That could mean Ireland, which voted against the Nice Treaty in the first of two referendums, being the only country to host a plebiscite this time. It is likely to do so because its constitution requires a referendum if national sovereignty is transferred. That means leaders risk the humiliation of being forced to hold a vote by the Supreme Court if they fail to put a treaty to the people.
In an interview with the Financial Times and other European newspapers, Mr Blair made it clear that the UK will only sign up to a scaled down version of the constitution, one which extracts only the changes needed to streamline decision-making.
Mr Blair added: "If it's not a constitutional treaty, so that it alters the basic relationship between Europe and the member states then there isn't the same case for a referendum."
His comments are in line with those made after a meeting with the Dutch premier, Jan Peter Balkenende, who also backed the idea of a "mini-treaty" which simply amends existing EU agreements rather than replacing them.
Nevertheless a series of obstacles remain. The first is the prospect that the French presidential elections are won by Ségolène Royal, the socialist candidate, who has promised a referendum.
Moreover the British and Dutch positions raise the question of whether EU nations will be able to agree on a text. Eighteen nations have already ratified the constitution and most of them want to keep a text as close as possible to the current one.
Meanwhile the decision to axe a referendum has already provoked a domestic reaction in the UK where Mr Blair is due to stand down within weeks.
The Shadow Foreign Secretary William Hague said; "What he [Mr Blair] is saying now sounds suspiciously like an attempt to introduce elements of it by the back door, despite its decisive rejection by the voters of France and Holland.
"This would go against the government's previous assurances and be totally unacceptable to the people of Britain."
MAY
30th
2007
We
are coming up to another moment when the matter of the constitution has
to be deal with. Here is a reminder of the position:
This could mean resurrecting the original text, with minor changes, or drafting a new one.
On the other hand, some countries argue there is no urgent need for institutional reform and that the EU should concentrate instead on policies that deliver immediate practical benefits for citizens.
So far, 16 countries have completed ratification, two of them by referendum; two have very nearly finished ratifying it; and two have rejected it.
That leaves seven countries where the constitution is on ice.
Use this map to find out the state of play in each country.
REJECTED
The two leading candidates running for the French presidency have outlined strategies that could result in French approval for a new treaty. Nicolas Sarkozy favours a slimmed-down treaty that could be adopted by parliamentary vote. Segolene Royal favours sticking to the original constitution, but adding a protocol emphasising the EU's ambitions in social policy. She would then put this to a second referendum.
The Netherlands: Some 61.6% of Dutch voters said "No" to the constitution on 1 June 2005, even though the main political parties, trade unions and most newspapers were backing a "Yes". In January 2006, the then Dutch Foreign Minister Bernard Bot went further than any other European government minister, saying that for the Netherlands, the constitution was "dead". In May 2006 he said he thought the constitution would "stay dead".
However, a new Dutch government formed at the beginning of 2007 has signalled it will co-operate with efforts to tackle institutional reforms in the EU. The government has asked a body known as the State Council to rule on whether a referendum would be necessary on any future treaty based on the constitution.
"The European Constitution will not be offered for ratification again," a Dutch Cabinet document said in March 2007. "The new treaty must, in content, scope and name, convincingly differ from the European Constitution."
It added: "More co-operation is needed in energy, environment ... asylum, immigration, anti-terrorism and crime, and foreign policy."
RATIFIED
Austria: The upper house of the Austrian parliament completed ratification on 25 May 2005. Three members of the far right voted against the constitution, while 59 other representatives approved it. The lower house voted nearly unanimously in favour of ratification on 11 May. Some Austrians have voiced fears that the constitution's mutual defence pact would undermine the country's neutrality.
During Austria's EU presidency in 2006, Chancellor Wolfgang Schuessel said that the constitution was not dead, and that Europe was "in the middle of a ratification process".
Bulgaria: The Bulgarian parliament ratified the constitution on 11 May 2005, as part of its preparations for joining the EU on 1 January 2007.
Cyprus: Cyprus' parliament ratified the constitution on 30 June 2005.
Estonia: The Estonian parliament ratified the constitution on 9 May 2006, in a decision backed by all the country's major political parties.
Finland: The Finnish parliament voted to ratify the constitution on 5 December 2006 and this vote has been accepted by President Tarja Halonen.
Greece: The Greek parliament ratified the constitution on 19 April 2005, by 268 votes to 17. It had the support of the government and the main opposition party, Pasok.
Hungary: Hungary's parliament ratified the constitution on 20 December 2004, by a margin of 304 votes to nine.
Italy: Italy ratified the constitution on 6 April 2005 with an overwhelming majority in the upper house of parliament - 217 votes to 16. The text, which was signed by EU leaders in Rome in 2004, was approved by the Italian lower house (the Chamber of Deputies) in January 2005. Centrist parties backed the constitution, however, the Northern League and the Communist Party, argued that it eroded regional and national sovereignty.
Prime Minister Romano Prodi told the BBC in March 2007: "Step by step we shall go back in order to have a common basic paper: probably it will be less complete, and maybe in some people's opinion less cumbersome, but it will include all the basic principles, not the specific rules of behaviour."
In February 2007, he and Spanish counterpart Jose Rodriguez Zapatero said they were committed to the "greatest level of integration" provided for in the treaty.
Latvia: Latvia ratified the EU constitution in parliament on 2 June 2005, by 71 votes to five, just hours after the Dutch had rejected it.
Luxembourg: Voters in Luxembourg approved the constitution by 56% in a referendum on 10 July 2005 - held despite agreement on a "pause for reflection" at the EU summit a month earlier, and the postponement of votes in other countries.
The "Yes" campaign had the support of all parliamentary parties. The "No" campaign attracted a varied group of supporters, from left-wing anti-globalisationists to far-right sympathisers. The far-left "di Lenk" party (the Lefties), said the text was too market-orientated and did not do enough for workers. The Luxembourg parliament formally ratified the constitution on 25 October 2005.
Prime Minister Jean-Claude Juncker has expressed the hope that the German EU presidency in the first half of 2007 will make progress with the constitution. But he has also been quoted as predicting that the period of reflection will last until 2009 or 2010.
Malta: The Maltese parliament ratified the constitution in a unanimous vote on 6 July 2005. All three political parties in the country were in favour of ratification. Debate on the constitution focused on the question of whether there is a clash with traditional Maltese Christian values, and possible threats to Maltese sovereignty.
Romania: The Romanian parliament ratified the constitution on 17 May 2005, as part of its preparations for joining the EU on 1 January 2007.
Slovenia: Slovenia's parliament voted overwhelmingly to ratify the European Union constitution on 1 February 2005. MPs supported the move by 79 votes to four.
Spain: Spaniards voted for the constitution in a consultative referendum on 20 February 2005 by 77% to 17%. However, turnout was only 42%. Ratification was completed by votes in the lower house of parliament in April, and in the upper house in May. All of Spain's main political parties were in favour of the treaty, though there was opposition from regional parties in Catalonia.
Spain hosted a meeting in January 2007 of the 18 Friends of the Constitution - those that have already ratified, or nearly ratified it. Foreign Minister Miguel Angel Moratinos told the meeting the constitution was "a magnificent document" that should be expanded rather than "carved up". On the eve of the meeting, Europe Minister Alberto Navarro said Spain could not accept a "mini-treaty" that dealt with institutional reforms, but scrapped the other parts of the constitution.
Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero said in February that the EU needed to find a way to "maintain the essence" of the project, while making it possible for countries that have had problems with ratification to sign up to it.
NEARLY RATIFIED
Germany: The German parliament voted to ratify the constitution in May 2005, but the bill has yet to be signed by President Horst Koehler, pending the outcome of a case being heard in the constitutional court. The main political parties are officially in favour of the constitution - which increases Germany's voting power in the Council of Ministers - but the successor of the former East German communist party, the Party of Democratic Socialism, is against it. The constitution also has some opponents on the right.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel has said that cherry-picking bits of the constitution "does not work". She has proposed keeping the text intact, but attaching a declaration on the "social dimension of Europe" to address some of the concerns that led to the rejection of the constitution in France.
"I still support the text we approved in the Bundestag," she told the Suddeutsche Zeitung in May 2006. "All the actions we will undertake in the German EU presidency in 2007 should serve to bring Europe closer to agreeing on the European constitution again."
Slovakia: The Slovak parliament ratified the constitution on 11 May 2005, by 116 votes to 27, with four abstentions. However, a complaint has been made to the constitutional court that the Slovak people should have been given the right to vote on the constitution in a referendum. The Slovak president is unable to complete the ratification process until the court has issued its ruling.
RATIFICATION DELAYED
Czech Republic: The Czech government says Europe is functioning quite well without a constitution. They say a "bad treaty" would be worse than none at all, though they are not against negotiating a new "basic treaty" from scratch.
Czech President Vaclav Klaus told the BBC in March 2007: "I am absolutely sure that there is no crisis because of the non-existence of the European constitution, but the people who want to accelerate unification process are in a hurry and normal people in Europe are not in a hurry. They can live with the existing structures and rules.
"To pretend the debate is over and it's just a question of bringing in clever speech writers to summarise the completed debate and write a nicer text than the former constitution would be a tragedy, but I am afraid something like that could happen."
Denmark: Officials said Denmark was "quite pleased" with the original text of the constitution, but the country postponed its planned referendum on the treaty after the French and Dutch "No" votes. Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen said: "We would like to continue our process, we have prepared everything for the referendum, but of course we cannot put the treaty to a vote in Denmark if there's not a treaty to vote on."
In February 2007, Foreign Minister Per Stig Moeller said Denmark would back German efforts to solve the impasse over the constitution. "If all 27 members vote for it, we will be on board," he said.
Denmark rejected the Maastricht Treaty in 1992 but adopted it in a second vote, after winning opt-outs, in 1993. Danes also voted "No" in a 2000 referendum on acceptance of the euro. It is unclear whether Danish law obliges it to hold a referendum on any new treaty.
Ireland: The Irish government stopped preparations for a referendum on the constitution after the French and Dutch "No" votes but Irish diplomatic sources say the constitution is a good document, which Ireland would like to see ratified and implemented.
In May 2006, Prime Minister Bertie Ahern confirmed his support for the constitution, describing it as "the right choice for Ireland". He said it would "enable the EU to function more efficiently, more democratically, in a way that is easier to understand".
Irish voters rejected the Nice Treaty in 2001, then approved it in 2002. Ireland is the one country in the EU where the only way of ratifying the constitution, or a successor treaty, is by referendum.
Poland: President Lech Kaczynski has called for a brand new constitution, saying that the original text pushes for more integration than European citizens are willing to accept. He is also quoted as saying it "has practically no chance of being ratified in Poland, neither by referendum nor by parliamentary vote". The country's plans for a referendum are on hold.
Prime Minister Jaroslaw Kaczynski has said the EU should abandon the original constitution, and start work on an entirely new Basic Treaty. He and Czech prime minister Mirek Topolanek wrote in a joint letter in February 2007 that it would make more sense for the EU to "create a new basis for co-operation, one that is clearer and involves less red tape".
Portugal: Portugal will hold a referendum only after a final text has been agreed by all 25 member states. "I don't' believe that the constitutional is dead. Europe needs a constitutional treaty in order to go further. If it's not this exact text, we will have to find something," Prime Minister Jose Socrates said on 9 March 2006.
Sweden: Sweden put ratification on hold after France and the Netherlands rejected the constitution.
The main political parties - conscious that Swedes rejected the euro in 2003 - say a referendum is unnecessary because the constitution does not make fundamental changes to the existing treaties.
United Kingdom: The UK government was preparing to hold a referendum in spring 2006, but shelved these plans after French and Dutch voters rejected the constitution. Prime Minister Tony Blair told parliament: "Realistically, given the 'No' votes in France and the Netherlands, ratification cannot succeed unless and until those votes change."
Former Foreign Secretary Jack Straw said on 10 January 2006 that the best that could be said about the constitution was that it was "in limbo". He added: "It is difficult to argue that it is not dead." However, Mr Blair said on 2 February 2006: "I accept that we will need to return to the issues around the European constitution. A European Union of 25 cannot function properly with today's rules of governance."
In October 2006, Mr Straw's successor as foreign secretary, Margaret Beckett, commented: "It's a common failing, isn't it? People started to get enthusiastic about a grandiose project but it didn't come off."
The UK last held a referendum on 6 June 1975, two-and-a-half years after joining the European Community, on whether to remain a member. Two-thirds of those who voted said "Yes".
So,
that's
the
position.
Of
course
the
EU
needs
a
constitution
even
if
it
only
to
formalise
in
a
single
document
the
position
as
it
is
now.
But
frankly
we
need
to
stop
fudging
things
as
a
considerable
international
commitment
is
now
inevitable
if
we
are
to
manage
the
climate
change
problems.
The
anti-europeans
will
want
a
referendum
in
the
hope
that
the
UK
public
will
blame
the
EU
for
our
problems
and
say
no.
They
should
not
count
on
this.
As
I
have
said
previously
a
referendum
in
inappropriate
in
this
instance
and
it
is
unfortunate
that
it
was
ever
promised.
However
the
British
people
should
be
allowed
to
stand
or
fall,
profit
or
suffer by making their own decisions and living with
the consequences.
JUNE
21st
2007
Because the UK government promised a referendum on the new
constitution, the anti-EU brigade and the political opportunists with
no agenda other than their own interests are making it very difficult
to get a successful outcome to the coming meeting in Brussels. The ever
amusing William Haig says the government will do whatever it takes now
to avoid a referendum. The question Mr Haig cannot answer is exactly
what he would want to hold a referendum on. He knows as well as anyone
that whatever question was put to the public a large proportion of them
would answer another. Those who want to say NO will say no whatever the
question if it causes the process to fail. Those who want to say YES
rather than cause a EU crisis will say yes even if they are not fully
in favour of the implications. Only a minority will vote for the right
reason on the question asked (unless the question itself is not about
the matters that really need to be decided, which then renders the
process pointless).
So
the problem for our team in Brussels is to decide whether or not to
agree to only to reforms which they can obviously claim do not require
the previously promised referendum (which may prevent a successful
outcome to the conference and trigger a crisis) or to go for a
compromise that may e difficult to sell without offering a referendum
at home. My own view is that a referendum is absurd. There is no
question that could sensibly be asked other than "DO YOU WANT TO
HAVE AN EU CONSTITUTION" Since that has been already decided in the
negative, even though it was a very sensible idea, the matter is
closed. The new treaty is simply what is required to accommodate new
members and the voting arrangements and powers and derogations and
exceptions that have to be agreed whether we like it or not if the EU
is not to be disbanded. Anyone who does not understand that this would
be suicidal should be better informed.
A draft tabled by Germany recommends deep reforms, but not a constitution - an idea spurned by French and Dutch voters two years ago.
The paper makes several concessions to EU member states opposed to key parts of the failed constitution.
But Poland and the UK are still warning they could use their vetoes if they do not get their way on a new treaty.
'No super federal state'
European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso told the BBC on Thursday that the revised treaty "is good for Britain".
"Britain - with this agreement that is on the table - will have more votes, will have much more votes," he told Radio 4's Today programme.
|
Failure would
almost amount to humiliation for Germany's chancellor, Angela Merkel
|
"It is good for all those who want to push forward an agenda of an open Europe, a modern Europe, a Europe that is efficient. It is not at all about creating a kind of super federal state. No one is proposing this. Why are we creating imaginary threats?"
The UK Foreign Secretary, Margaret Beckett, said Britain wanted a Europe "of sovereign nations, not a superstate".
The summit is intended to issue a mandate for an intergovernmental conference to agree the precise wording of a treaty to replace the failed constitution.
|
We realise we cannot stop the
process [of reform] - that would be too risky for the future Jaroslaw Kaczynski Polish Prime Minister |
If it fails, it will plunge the EU into a political crisis as deep as the one that followed the rejection of the constitution by French and Dutch voters two years ago.
The German paper proposes that the new treaty is called "The Reform Treaty", accepts that the EU will not have a "foreign minister", and provides countries with a chance to opt out of EU policies in the area of policing and criminal law.
'Olive branch'
Correspondents say the biggest remaining problem for the UK could be Germany's continued support for the idea of making the EU's Charter of Fundamental Rights legally binding.
The UK fears this could allow the European Court to make decisions that would change British labour law.
The part of the constitution that Poland most disliked - the introduction of a new voting system for decisions taken by member states - is preserved in the latest German proposals, seen by the BBC.
However, the BBC's Oana Lungescu in Brussels says the German paper offers Poland a "discreet olive branch".
For the first time it mentions, in a footnote, that the Poles, backed by the Czechs, want to raise the idea of changing the voting system at the summit.
The new system would benefit larger member states to the detriment of smaller and medium-sized ones, and have the effect of reducing Poland's clout.
'50-50 chance of deal'
Despite his warnings of a possible veto, Polish Prime Minister Jaroslaw Kaczynski hinted that Warsaw could drop its opposition if it guaranteed a strong voice in EU decision-making.
"We realise we cannot stop the process [of reform] - that would be too risky for the future," he told Reuters news agency.
He said there was a 50-50 chance of the summit ending in agreement.
Under the latest German proposals, Britain gets reassurances that the European Courts will have no power to examine foreign affairs policies.
And at the request of the Dutch, the draft gives more power to national parliaments to block EU laws.
But a Dutch proposal to enshrine criteria for further enlargement in the treaty, is not fully satisfied.
That would send a very negative signal to Balkan countries, an EU diplomat said.
JUNE
23rd
Although
the
debate
ran
on
to
5am
of
the
following
day,
the
solution
to
the
governments
problems
was
in
the
ed
very
simple.
We
allowed
all
the
other
EU
member
states
to
agree
the
mandate
for
a
new
treaty
as
they
wished,
but
got
opt-outs
for
the
UK
on
every
point
we
wished
to
decline.
As
for
the
French
and
their
insistance
that
'free
and
unfettered
competition'
should
not
be
defined
as
an
aim,
but
as
a
means
to
the
desirable
end
of
economic
health,
that
was
easly
satisfied
and
not
even
Gordon
Brown
was
against
getting
the
presentation
right.
As
for
the
Polish
problem,
there
will
be
no
change
to
the
voting
system
till
2012
As David Owen points out, "These issues that the prime
minister's been discussing over the
midnight hours in Brussels are deep constitutional questions," and
he
managed
to
get
them
all
sorted
to
complete
satisfaction
of
the
UK,
so
there
is
no
possible
reason
for
a
referendum.
However,
the
UK
Independence
Party
and
who
knows
how
many
strange
members
of
the
House
of
Lords
and
the
pleasant
but
insular
William
Haig
will
bore
us
to
death
in
the
coming
weeks
with
claims
that
this
is
not
so
and
maybe
even
hold
up
the
passage
through
the
Lords
of
ratification.
|
Tony Blair said
Europe could now "move on" Blair on agreement |
It gives the UK an opt-out on a charter of human and social rights and keeps Britain's independent foreign policy and tax and benefit arrangements.
Gordon Brown also intervened to persuade Mr Blair to demand a protocol to protect the EU's internal market.
The Tories say Britain has agreed to "major shifts of power to the EU" and are demanding a referendum.
Concerns 'sorted'
Mr Blair had gone to Brussels with four "red lines" on human and social rights, foreign policy and tax and benefits which he did not want crossed before a deal could be made.
He said the two days of tough talks had secured all of Britain's four key demands.
He said the agreement would allow the UK to take on those parts of EU judicial and crime policy it chose to, and that the treaty would not require a referendum.
|
This deal gives us a chance to
move on Tony Blair |
Mr Brown and Mr Blair had several last-minute telephone conversations after the chancellor expressed his unhappiness at a concession to France which had removed a treaty objective of "free and undistorted competition".
Foreign Secretary Margaret Beckett told Radio 4's Today programme the prime minister-in-waiting's objections had now been "sorted" and were "not a problem".
She said Britain was not a country which "governs by referendum".
"People buy into the notion that somehow some massive change has taken place. This is not a massive change," she said.
'Major shifts of power'
The new treaty is planned to replace the failed EU constitution, which was rejected by voters in France and the Netherlands in 2005.
Mr Blair said the most important thing about the deal was that it allowed the 27 European nations to move forward.
"The truth is we've been arguing now for many years about the constitutional question," he said.
|
These issues that the prime
minister's been discussing over the
midnight hours in Brussels are deep constitutional questions, and to
pretend otherwise is absurd Lord Owen |
"This deal gives us a chance to move on. It gives us a chance to concentrate on the issues to do with the economy, organised crime, terrorism, immigration, defence, climate change, the environment, energy - the problems that really concern citizens in Europe."
But shadow foreign secretary William Hague said the government had "absolutely no democratic mandate" to push through the changes that had been made.
"Blair and Brown have signed up to major shifts of power from Britain to the EU and major changes in the way the EU works," Mr Hague said.
"The EU would now be able to sign treaties in its own right and, despite any 'opt-ins', the European Commission and Court of Justice would now have new powers over criminal law."
'Stealth and deceit'
Liberal Democrat leader Sir Menzies Campbell said the treaty had not come "cost-free" for Britain.
"By opting out of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, there is now the danger of a two-tier citizenship in the EU," Mr Campbell said.
"Tony Blair has not covered himself in glory with his swansong negotiations in Brussels."
The leader of the UK Independence Party, Nigel Farage, accused Mr Blair of "stealth and deceit".
"The real achievement of this summit - and Tony Blair's helped in this - is that the European Union itself has taken a significant step forward to becoming the global superpower that it always sought to be," he said.
The treaty will need to be ratified by each of the EU's member states at the end of the year, before entering into force in mid-2009.
Mr Blair told reporters he was "absolutely confident" of Mr Brown's support for the agreement, and he did not think there would be any obstacles in finalising the treaty in December.
But some observers in Brussels say the House of Lords may not be very willing to play ball when it comes to ratification.
JUNE 25th 2007
On
today's BBC 2pm News Headlines we are told Gordon Brown says there is
no need for a refrendum on the terms of the latest EU treaty even
though the other EU members say it contains all the ingredients of the
previously proposed constitution. Indeed it does, but the UK has
obtained complete and clear opt-outs on all the clauses we do not
support. A Constitution cannot have such opt-outs. That is why it is
not a constitution and why it does not require a referendum. The BBC
headline is misleading spin by omission, and should not have been
approved.
JULY 30th 2007
What great idea, hold a privately funded referendum on the EU treaty. I
suggest the following questions.
1.
Have you studied the history of the European Union?
(the list of required documents is attached)
2. Have you studied the full EU Treaty which is the subject of this
referendum ?
3. Are you aware of which other countries are in favour of this treaty ?
4. Are you in favour of the ratification of this treaty by the UK ?
From
the
above
we
might
get
some
idea
of
who
thinks
what
and
why.
Ex-employment secretary Lord Young told the BBC it could be a last resort and would not be short of sponsors.
It follows calls from Labour MP Gisela Stuart, who helped draw up the original constitution, for a referendum.
The government says a referendum is unnecessary as the EU treaty is not the same as the constitution - and the UK has secured a series of opt-outs.
When Tony Blair was prime minister he had promised a referendum on the constitution - which was abandoned after it was rejected by French and Dutch voters in 2005.
Referendum pressure
The new treaty, expected to be finalised later this year, preserves much of the original constitution - but the government says it does not transfer "in any significant way" any UK sovereignty to the EU.
However Lord Young told BBC Radio 4's Today programme he believed it was the "biggest constitutional change this country's ever gone through" and pressure had to be kept on the government to hold a referendum.
"It's not a Conservative matter, there's a large number of Labour MPs who are now pushing towards having a referendum," he said.
|
There are a large number of
people who feel extremely strongly about the government breaking its
word Lord Young |
Lord Young said a privately funded referendum was rare but not unprecedented - pointing to Stagecoach tycoon Brian Souter's poll on the repeal of Clause 28 - which prevented local authorities from promoting homosexuality - in 2000. It was said to have cost him £1m.
Lord Young said there were "a whole lot of things" that could be done before getting to that stage, to put pressure on the government to hold a referendum.
"This is the end of the road, I hope long before that Gordon will have changed his mind," said Lord Young.
'Old agenda'
But he said: "I have no doubt at all it will be possible, at that time, to raise the amount of money that is concerned.
"There are a large number of people who feel extremely strongly about the government breaking its word."
last week Ms Stuart said "all the big items" from the abandoned constitution had been retained and the British people should be asked to endorse the treaty.
Mr Brown has accused the Conservatives of "retreating to the old agenda" on Europe. Foreign Secretary David Miliband has said the treaty "takes forward institutional reform in a sensible way".
AUGUST
23rd
2007
Gordon
Brown
is
quite
right,
it
is
for
Parliament
to
debate
and
ratify
the
new
EU
Treaty,
just
as
it
does
with
any
treaty
and
has
done
with
all
previous
EU
treaties.
Although
many
clauses
in
the
Treaty
are
the
same
as
in
the
proposed
Constitution,
it
is
a
completely
different
animal.
The
Constitution
was
a
complete,
take-it-or-leave
it
set
of
conditions
for
membership,
even
if
there
were
classes
of
membership,
which
would
remain
in
place
unless
the
Constitution
was
brought
up
for
revision
at
some
future
date.
The
new
Treaty
is
a
set
of
clauses
to
be
accepted
or
negotiated
by
each
state.
Some
states
have
negotiated
opt-outs
or
adjustments
to
the
clauses.
That
has to be done in each case, and it
has been done. It could be done again. The members have to negotiate
and come to agreement on special cases. There is absolutely no
possibility of having a referendum, therefore, as there is no
Constitution to be approved. The clauses of the Treaty, as adjusted for
the UK's particular 'menu', will be debated by Parliament in due course
in the proper way and I certainly hope, ratified.
The GMB and RMT had joined the Tories and UKIP in demanding a vote by tabling motions for the TUC annual conference.
They say the treaty is almost the same as the discarded EU constitution, on which a referendum was promised.
But the prime minister said: "The proper way to discuss this is through detailed discussion in the House of Commons and the House of Lords."
He added that he was confident Parliament would pass the treaty.
He told a press conference: "Let's see what the TUC do. My own view is that the TUC, when it meets, will support the government."
'Frustration'
The RMT's motion asks the TUC to campaign for a "no" vote, if a referendum is held on whether to adopt the treaty.
Its general secretary, Bob Crow, told the BBC: "They [the government] went to the British people on the promise there would be a referendum."
He also said: "What we want him [Gordon Brown] to do is implement what his manifesto was."
The GMB union said it was concerned the UK's opt-out from the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights was being retained in the transition from the constitution to the treaty.
European officer Kathleen Walker-Shaw said the British government should opt back in to the charter before EU heads of state meet in October.
She added that the GMB had not yet decided how it would campaign in the event of the government calling a referendum.
But she went on to say it was unlikely the union would campaign for a treaty where workers would become second class citizens in Europe.
Ms Walker-Shaw said: "The government's position is not acceptable. We are giving them the chance to change it."
'Unreadable'
She added: "We want a social Europe. What sort of message is this preaching to developing countries that we are telling to raise working standards, when a government in Europe won't even accept them for its own people?"
Earlier this month, the Conservatives accused Mr Brown of trying to push the "unreadable" revised EU treaty through "on the quiet".
Shadow foreign secretary William Hague said: "By all the standards of the past, the commitment to a referendum should be upheld."
But the government says a referendum is not needed as the treaty is different to the constitution rejected by French and Dutch voters in 2005.
Gary Titley, Labour's leader in the European Parliament, said: "It's a world of difference between what was proposed in the constitutional treaty and the amending treaty."
He added that the EU was an ongoing "political process" which was designed to allow member states to "meet the challenges of globalisation".
UKIP, which campaigns for Britain to leave the EU, is also demanding a referendum on the treaty, calling on the government to "let the people decide".
Its leader, Nigel Farage, said it was "seriously good news" that unions were demanding a vote, adding: "Gordon Brown must be the only man in the country who doesn't realise that we have to have a referendum on this treaty.
"Every other political leader in the EU has said that this is the constitution in all but name, and the Labour Party was elected with a manifesto to hold a referendum on that document.
"He is doing a rather splendid impression of an ostrich, surrounding himself with yes men who are trying to drown out the overwhelming calls for the British people to have their say."
OCTOBER
18th
2007
Agreement has been reached between all members of the EU on the new
revising Treaty. Each country has the exceptions it requires. The
voting system has been modified to make it possible to deal with future
decisions in a manner that makes sense - it is clear that nothing
necessary will be obstructed and nothing that could damage our
interests more than we benefit by membership could be voted through
though, if it ever were, we could always leave. The so called 'red
lines' are established 'for the time being', and that means until we in
the UK wish to move or remove them, nothing else. The Treaty will be
debated thoroughly in parliament and unles we wish at that stage to
remove any opt-outs it is likely to be approved. The usual lot are
talking the usual rubbish, Cameron worse than usual, the rest just the
usual mix of ignorance, prejudice and naked self interest. If only the
naked self interest were enlightened, most would see the value of the
EU and this Treaty immediately, but they don't want to be enlightened.
Eventually
it is an issue like this which will reform the political structure of
the UK. We will forget about left, right, class etc. and have a party
that has a modicum of honesty in its thinking and debating, another for
those who don't value that sort of thing and a third for those who are
just confused.
NOVEMBER
17th
2007
Here is David Miliband's Bruges speech. It was brilliantly, clearly and
calmly delivered. I approve and agree with every word of it. I look
forward to this young man being, one day, Prime Minister of the United
Kingdom.
I feel a strong sense of personal history in delivering this lecture today. My father was born in Brussels, my mother in Poland.
My family history reflects the strife which divided the Continent and the values which later united it.
This college reflects that history too. You have a sister college in Poland.
The vision of your founder, Henri Brugmans, a hero of the Dutch resistance, was fired by memories of dark days listening to BBC reports of resistance struggle against fascism.
And the people we honour this year, Anna Politkovskaya and Hrant Dink, were exemplars of our basic commitment to freedom of expression, a founding value of the EU.
But my speech tonight is not about history. It is about the Europe that you, the students gathered here, will inherit in the future.
President Sarkozy has suggested we need a Groupe des Sages to focus on the Europe of 2030. Today I want to enter that debate, not to engage in a piece of futurology, but to suggest how the EU can help to shape the world of 2030.
My argument is this: The prospects and potential for human progress have never been greater. But our prosperity and security are under threat. Protectionism seeks to stave off globalisation rather than manage it. Religious extremists peddle hatred and division. Energy insecurity and climate change threaten to create a scramble for resources. And rogue states and failing states risk sparking conflicts, the damage of which will spill over into Europe.'
These threats provide a new raison d'etre for the European Union. New because the unfinished business of internal reform to update our economic and social model is on its own not enough to engage with the big issues, nor the hopes and fears, of European citizens.
For the EU because nation-states, for all their continuing strengths, are too small to deal on their own with these big problems, but global governance is too weak.
So the EU can be a pioneer and a leader. Our single market and the standards we set for it, the attractions of membership, and the legitimacy, diversity and political clout of 27 member states are big advantages. The EU will never be a superpower, but could be a model power of regional cooperation.
For success, the EU must be open to ideas, trade and people. It must build shared institutions and shared activities with its neighbours. It must be an Environmental Union as well as a European Union. And it must be able to deploy soft and hard power to promote democracy and tackle conflict beyond its borders.
As Gordon Brown said on Monday there is no longer a distinction between 'over there' and 'over here'.
Let me begin with some reflections on Britain's relationship with Europe.
"We British are as much heirs to the legacy of European culture as any other nation."
The churches, literature and language of the UK "all bear witness to the cultural riches we have drawn from Europe."
"Without the European legacy of political ideas we could not have achieved as much as we did."
"Our destiny is in Europe."
Those are not my words. They were delivered by Margaret Thatcher to this College in 1988 in her famous Bruges lecture.
But despite these words, Mrs Thatcher's speech was haunted by demons.
A European superstate bringing in socialism by the back door. A country called Europe that stripped individual nations of their national identity. Utopian ideals and language that obstructed practical progress.
These were the demons that led her some years later to conclude that far from being vital to Britain's progress: "In my lifetime Europe has been the source of our problems, not the source of our solutions".
These demons still haunt some people. Thanks to Mrs Thatcher, "Bruges", has become a rallying cry of Euro-scepticism.
But I agree with my predecessor as Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd who said in 2005: "The myth that we are threatened with a European superstate is still nourished in the Conservative cul-de-sac.
"Certainly there are Continental idealists who bitterly regret that it has faded away, but faded it has, as has been clear since Maastricht."
Open markets, subsidiarity, better regulation and enlargement are now far more part of the conventional vocabulary of European debate than a United States of Europe, centralised taxation or a common industrial policy.
The truth is that the EU has enlarged, remodelled and opened up. It is not and is not going to become a superstate.
But neither is it destined to become a superpower.
An American academic has defined a superpower as "a country that has the capacity to project dominating power and influence anywhere in the world...and so may plausibly attain the status of global hegemon."
There is only one superpower in the world today - the United States. There may be others on the horizon, such as China and India, but the US has enormous economic, social, cultural and military strength. In terms of per capita income alone it will remain by far the dominant power for my lifetime.
For Europeans, that should not be a source of dread: there is a great shared project for Europe and America, to embed our values and commitments in international rules and institutions.
The EU is not and never will be a superpower. An EU of 27 nation states or more is never going to have the fleetness of foot or the fiscal base to dominate. In fact economically and demographically Europe will be less important in the world of 2050 that it was in the world of 1950.
Our opportunity is different. The EU has the opportunity to be a model power.
It can chart a course for regional cooperation between medium-sized and small countries.
Through its common action, it can add value to national effort, and develop shared values amidst differences of nationality and religion.
As a club that countries want to join, it can persuade countries to play by the rules, and set global standards. In the way it dispenses its responsibilities around the world, it can be a role model that others follow.
This speech is intended to set out the basis of such progress.
The EU has been defined for the past 50 years by a focus on internal change: by a Franco-German bargain over industry and agriculture, by the creation of a single market and the drive for basic shared social standards; by EMU. And the need to attend to internal policy problems remains.
We should be immensely proud that in the post second world war period Europeans drove down levels of economic inequality and social injustice. That is the cause that brought me into politics.
And the modernisation of our social and economic systems is essential to preserve those gains. That is why the UK is fully engaged in the current debates about policy reform in Europe.
But that will no longer be enough. The defining challenges of the 21st century are global in scope, not national. We have spent a decade or more debating institutional reform; everyone who has participated is exhausted; and the rest of the European population are either bored or angry.
The EU must now apply itself to managing the risks and maximising the benefits of the next wave of globalisation, both for its own citizens and around the world. This is where we need new thinking.
The insecurities and threats of 2030 are clear. A Europe at war not within its borders, but struggling to cope with forces beyond its borders. Global capital, people and goods with whom it has not made peace.
Religious extremism and division on its doorstep. Energy insecurity and climate change which threatens our security as well as our prosperity. Conflict and instability in regions where we have economic as well as moral interests.
To avoid that future, we need to base our next generation Europe on four principles.
My starting point is that a model power in the 21st century must be one that looks outwards. As Jose Manuel Barroso said, "...global Europe must be an open Europe".
So my first guiding principle is that we must keep ourselves open - open to trade, open to ideas and open to investment.
This is not a foregone conclusion. Across Europe, it is tempting for producers to seek the shelter of tariffs, for environmentalists to yearn for a return to a (it has to be said) mythical world of self-sufficiency, for communities to fear unplanned migration.
I understand the concerns. Openness creates risks and insecurities as well as opportunities. Our national welfare states must help people adjust to rapid economic and social change.
This is tough. Migration is a big issue. And while Europe can be a magnet for the world's best talent, it cannot be a tent for the world's poorest people.
Without some migration, an ageing and declining population will leave Europe facing economic stagnation and unsustainable social security bills.
But integration of new communities is vital. We shall only tackle the root cause of migration - the poor economic prospects in neighbouring countries - if we continue to open up our markets.
That is why, on economic and social grounds, the case against economic protectionism is overwhelming.
Openness - to new investment, new products and new services - provides the competitive spur needed to raise our game. An open regulatory environment provides the basis for the highest value.
If we hold back on open trade, we will only hold back the process of modernising our economies and raising productivity.
We will force European consumers to pay higher prices. We will strengthen the hand of protectionist lobbies beyond our borders. We will deny millions of African farmers a lifeline out of poverty.
If we have the courage to press for more free trade and investment, and act as a model power in going further and faster than other countries, we will enrich ourselves and the rest of the world.
That is why we need to put European agriculture on a sustainable and modern footing: reduce tariffs, open up energy markets and complete the creation of a single market in services.
This is not a race to the bottom. Europe is a model for reconciling economic dynamism with social justice. We must use the power of the single market to export these values.
We have already seen how the single-market can pull up standards in the rest of the world. Thanks to the Reach Directive the chemicals in Chinese-made products have to comply with European standards.
The size of our market means that European low carbon standards can become the global standard-setter.
My second guiding principle is that we should use the power of shared institutions and shared activities to help overcome religious, regional, and cultural divides, especially with the Islamic world.
There is, after all, a bleak scenario for 2030: a world more divided by religion, both between and within countries. Greater threats - both at home and abroad - from terrorists and rogue states. Growing hostility towards the West.
Rejection of the global economic changes that many people believe has made us rich at their expense.
The EU can help lead the search for an alternative. The EU itself represents a triumph of shared values.
Now we need to find and express shared values across religious and not just national lines, so that Europe and its Muslim neighbours enjoy strong, unbreakable ties, and peace allows us to talk, debate, trade, build businesses, build communities and build friendships.
We can do this only by creating shared institutions and engaging in shared activities that provide a living alternative to the narrative which says the West and the Islamic world are destined to clash.
There are obvious immediate needs:
But our top priority must be to keep our promises on enlargement. As Vaclav Havel said in December 2002, "the vision of becoming part of the EU was...the engine that drove the democratisation and transformation of" of Central and Eastern Europe.
Enlargement is by far our most powerful tool for extending stability and prosperity.
Countries that are already on the accession path - Turkey and the Western Balkans - must be given full membership as soon as they fully meet the criteria.
And Turkey and all Cypriots need to play a constructive role in UN efforts to solve the Cyprus problem and unify the island on a bi-zonal and bi-communal basis.
If we fail to keep our promises to Turkey, it will signal a deep and dangerous divide between East and West.
Beyond that, we must keep the door open, retaining the incentive for change that the prospect of membership provides.
Being part of Europe should be about abiding by the shared rules - the acquis - that embody our shared values by respecting our separate identities and traditions.
Not all countries will be eligible for full membership, or show the will to join. So we should take the European Neighbourhood Policy a step further. We must state clearly that participation is not an alternative to membership, or a waiting room. And we must offer access to the full benefits of the single market.
The first step would be the accession of neighbouring countries - especially Russia and the Ukraine - to the WTO. Then we must build on this with comprehensive free-trade agreements.
The goal must be a multilateral free-trade zone around our periphery - a version of the European Free Trade Association that could gradually bring the countries of the Mahgreb, the Middle-East and Eastern-Europe in line with the single-market, not as an alternative to membership, but potentially as a step towards it.
Finally, we need to create more shared activities to build shared values and bring us closer to our neighbours.
ERASMUS student exchanges have been hugely successfully over the last twenty years in fostering a common understanding and common identity between European students.
Some 150,000 students participate every year, taking the opportunity to absorb another culture and learn another language.
Let us set the goal that by 2030 a third of our ERASMUS exchanges will be to countries beyond our borders, including those of the Middle-East and North Africa.
My third guiding principle is that a model power should champion international law and human rights not just internally, but externally too. We need to live by our values and principles beyond our borders, not just within them.
Peace and democracy has settled across our continent. To that extent, the EU has been an extraordinary success.
But, as the wars in the Balkans showed, our record is not perfect. And our task will not be complete until the final piece in the Balkans jigsaw - Kosovo - is resolved.
But in the future the main threats to our security will come from farther afield. From failed or fragile states, where law and order dissolve, where the economy stops, where arbitrary violence rules, and terrorists can operate at will. We can see the terrible effects in Darfur and Chad today.
From rogue states, that defy and endanger the international community by breaking the common rules we have all agreed to abide by. And from non-state actors - like Al Qaeda - hell bent on destroying our way of life.
Europe is well equipped to contribute a positive response to these threats. Like NATO, its members have shared values which can generate the political and military commitment for decisive action.
But like the UN, its member states have the full spectrum of economic, development, legislative, political and military tools.
We must begin by establishing a wider consensus on the rules governing the international system.
We must use the legitimacy and political clout of 27 members to enshrine the principle of Responsibility to Protect at the heart of the international system.
We must be prepared to uphold commitments made under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. We must mobilize member states behind the establishment of an Arms Trade Treaty.
We must also overcome the blockages to collaboration with NATO. We welcome the signs of increased willingness on the part of key partners to do so.
First, European member states must improve their capabilities. It's embarrassing that when European nations - with almost two million men and women under arms - are only able, at a stretch, to deploy around 100 thousand at any one time.
EU countries have around 1,200 transport helicopters, yet only about 35 are deployed in Afghanistan. And EU member states haven't provided any helicopters in Darfur despite the desperate need there.
European nations need to identify the challenges we face; the capabilities we consequently need; then identify targets for national investment in equipment, research, development, and training necessary to make more of our armed forces; work together for efficiency; and back it up with political drive.
A second thing we must do is to strengthen our ability to respond to crises in a more comprehensive way. Increasing our capacity to put peacekeepers into the field - whether on UN, EU or NATO missions - is a crucial part of cooperation.
As the prime minister set out earlier this week, military forces should be deployed on peacekeeping duties with civilian crisis management experts as an integral part of the operation.
There is limited value in securing a town if law and order breaks down as soon as the troops move on. There is limited gain in detaining terrorists and criminals if there is no courthouse to try them in or jailhouse to hold them in.
Security without development will soon alienate local populations. Development without security is impossible. They are two sides of the same coin.
Third, we must use our power and influence, not just to resolve conflict, but prevent it. We must show we are prepared to take a lead and fulfil our responsibilities.
Javier Solana and George Robertson, working together for the EU and NATO, brought Macedonia back from the brink of civil war in 2001.
Our military deployment to north-eastern Congo in helped plug a critical gap in the UN's presence there in 2003. We have built on UN sanctions to increase pressure on countries like Iran and Sudan.
And where the UN has been reluctant to act - as on Zimbabwe and Burma, where the regimes continue to oppress their people - we have introduced our own measures.
My fourth guiding principle is that any model power in the 21st century must be a low carbon power, so the European Union must become an Environmental Union.
More than any other area, the decisions we take on energy now will affect the world we inhabit in 2030.
In the decisions made at the Spring Council last year, the EU showed its ambitions to be model power on climate change. By setting unilateral targets, with the offer to go further if others do, we are using our political clout to increase the pressure on others to act.
By backing those targets with regulations and a carbon price, we are beginning to use our economic clout to transform product markets too. But to become an Environmental Union but we must go further.
We must set ambitious, long term regulations to phase out carbon emissions in key areas, transform product markets through the standards we set, and gain economic advantage in environmental innovation.
The priorities are clear. We must agree a timetable for reducing average vehicle emissions to 100g/km by 2020-2025 (compared with average EU emissions of 160 g/km), on the road towards a zero-emission vehicle standard across Europe.
We must ensure that by 2015, we have 12 demonstration projects in Carbon Capture and Storage, and that by 2020, all new coal-fired power stations must be fitted with Carbon Capture and Storage.
We should ensure the long term future of the EU ETS, to include more sectors of our economy, and to become the hub of a global carbon market which generates the incentives and the funding for the shift to low carbon power and transport not just in Europe but around the world.
The third phase of the EU ETS provides an opportunity to scale up and reform the CDM - to move it from a focus on individual projects, to groups of projects or whole sectors. We have already agreed to extend the EU ETS to include aviation, but we must also consider the case for surface transport.
And we should consider moving from individual countries setting their own allocation to harmonised allocations on the road to cap-setting done centrally. As the European Central Bank regulates money supply for the Eurozone, it is worth thinking whether the idea of a European Carbon Bank could in future set limits on the production of carbon across Europe.
Discussions on the future of the EU budget must take account of this context.
The current budget will be worth 860bn Euros over 7 years.
The three tests for the future of the EU budget are clear: is it advancing national and European public interest? Is grant spending the right tool to achieve our objectives, or could regulation, or loan-finance, provide a better alternative? And is it demonstrating sound financial management?
Over time, I believe that points to aligning the budget more closely with the external global challenges we face, in particular, a focus on climate change.
Environmental security not food security is the challenge of the future.
It is telling that those who are near us, want to join us. And that those who are far away, want to imitate us. The EU can claim major successes.
The single market has created peace and prosperity out of a continent ravaged by war. Enlargement has transformed Central and Eastern Europe. European forces across the world are active in preventing and resolving conflict.
These are real achievements. The common view is that they represent a triumph over institutional arrangements.
But the constitutional debate shows that people don't want major institutional upheaval. Unanimity is slow but it respects national identities.
The commission is not directly elected but that is exactly why it avoids the temptation of national and political affiliation and offers a wider European perspective.
The lesson, I think, is that in politics we tend to overestimate our ability to influence events in the short term, but we hugely underestimate our ability to shape our long term future.
That is particularly true for the European Union.
Across Europe, people are feeling a divergence between the freedom and control they have in their personal lives, and the sense of powerlessness they face against the great global challenges we face: from preventing conflict and terrorism to addressing climate change, energy insecurity, and religious extremism.
They are confident about personal progress, but pessimistic about societal progress.
Europe has the chance to help fill this void. There is a clear choice.
Focus on internal not external challenges, institutions rather than ideals. Fail to combine hard and soft power, the disciplines and benefits of membership with the ability to make a difference beyond our borders. The result - the return of protectionism, energy insecurity, division with the Islamic world, and unmanaged migration from conflict.
Or Europe can look global and become a model regional power.
We can use the power of the EU - the size of our single market, our ability to set global standards, the negotiating clout of 27 members, the attractions of membership, the hard power of sanctions and troops, the power of Europe as an idea and a model - not to substitute for nation states but to do those things to provide security and prosperity for the next generation.
We are pragmatic. We have missed some opportunities. But pragmatism and idealism should be partners. And the UK is determined to make them so.
DECEMBER
13th
2007
Normally I agree with Kenneth Clarke and not with Piers Morgan, on most
matters. But today the reverse is the case. Gordon Brown has had a
really good week and done everything he had to do, in the right order.
The photograph was not important. He did well in Iraq, in Afghanistan,
in the House of Commons and in Portugal. Miliband was there to sign at
the ceremony and Brown got there a little later to add his signature as
PM. Many jobs well done.
Mr Brown delayed his trip to Lisbon so he could appear before a Commons select committee scrutinising his government.
He promised the committee there would be a full debate in Parliament on the 250-page text but no referendum.
The Conservatives said Mr Brown's "diary clash" did not reflect well on him, making him appear "gutless".
"If he believes this treaty is the right thing for the country then he ought to have the guts to go to the actual signing ceremony," Shadow Foreign Secretary William Hague told BBC News 24.
|
He's behaving rather childishly
Kenneth Clarke Former Conservative chancellor |
"We had this chronic indecision in Downing Street about what the prime minister would do. I don't think that's a very good advertisement for prime ministerial decision-making."
Kenneth Clarke, the pro-European former Conservative chancellor, said Mr Brown's "stunt" proved he was "not very good at international diplomacy" and was more concerned with newspaper headlines.
It was "a foolish way of going about defending a treaty which he's taken part in the negotiations of", Mr Clarke told BBC News 24. "He's behaving rather childishly."
The Liberal Democrats said Mr Brown's absence raised "serious questions".
Lib Dem leadership contender and ex-MEP Chris Huhne criticised "inept and peevish behaviour that leaves Gordon Brown's reputation for honest dealing with our EU partners hanging by a thread".
|
To pretend that this is any
different to the failed constitution and deny the British people a
referendum is monstrous Nigel Farage Leader, UK Independence Party |
UK Independence Party leader Nigel Farage said he spoke to Foreign Secretary David Miliband in Lisbon just moments before he signed the treaty and repeated his demand for a referendum, receiving only "a hollow laugh" in reply.
Mr Farage said: "This is just about the most thoroughly dishonest political process I have ever been witness to.
"This is a constitutional treaty with profound, far-reaching implications and for the British Government to pretend it is something it isn't and deny us a referendum is monstrous."
Referendum rejected
Mr Miliband stood in for Mr Brown for the signing in the Portuguese capital.
Mr Brown has said there was no need for a referendum as the treaty was different from the constitution rejected by voters in France and the Netherlands in 2005.
The UK will give up its veto in many policy areas as the EU introduces more qualified majority voting, but Mr Brown said the changes were in the country's interests.
"Some of them are minor and procedural and the other ones are in Britain's interest and if they are not we have usually got an opt-in or an opt-out to decide whether we wish to be part of it," Mr Brown told the committee.
'Ingeneous MPs'
He said MPs would have the final say over whether Britain opts out of justice and home affairs legislation, when it is taken over by the EU.
But MPs would not be able to vote on which parts of the treaty Britain wanted to opt in to as decisions on that had to be made within a "three-month window", he added.
"It will have to be a matter for the government to make that decision on the basis of what we know to be the best interest of the country but the general debate we will have in the House of Commons," Mr Brown said.
He said he was sure some "ingenuous" MPs would find ways to introduce amendments to the bill ratifying it, but he declined to go into detail about the wording of the bill, saying it would be published "very soon".
The treaty will greatly alter the way members govern themselves. It creates an EU president and a vastly more powerful foreign policy chief for the union's 27 nations.
JANUARY
22nd
2008
JANUARY 22 2008
GREAT STUFF!
This is what I expect
from the EU. Leadership. It is not a 'threat' as suggested by the BBC
headline. It is
a simple statement that if we are to tackle global warming (and the US
has now agreed that we must tackle it) then we have to reach
intenational agreement on the costs to industry. There is no way to
break that logic. So the US must come to an agreement with the EU, and
that is that. Meanwhile the usual UK political dipshits are calling for
a referendum on the latest Treaty on the grounds that it contains stuff
that was in the abandon Constitution on which the little dears were
'promised' a referendum. I think we should all get back to the
Churchill formula when it comes to promises.
By Roger Harrabin Environment analyst, BBC News |
Jose Manuel Barroso wants to protect energy-intensive sectors such as aluminium, steel and cement.
He says there is no point these industries cutting emissions in Europe if they lose business to countries with more lax rules on carbon emissions.
Mr Barroso made the comments in a speech to business leaders in London.
Level playing field
He said foreign firms should be forced to purchase the same EU carbon allowances European firms would have to buy, thereby levelling the industrial playing field.
|
I
think we should be ready to
continue to give the energy-intensive
industries their (carbon) allowances free of charge - or to require
importers to obtain allowances alongside European competitors Jose Manuel Barroso European Commission President |
He said his preferred option was for a comprehensive global treaty on emissions.
His fall-back was a global sectoral agreement imposing uniform standards on energy-intensive export industries.
If these failed, he would either protect Europe's industries by giving them all their carbon allowances in the European Trading System (ETS) free of charge, or charge importers at the same rate for the allowances.
"I think we should be ready to continue to give the energy-intensive industries their ETS allowances free of charge - or to require importers to obtain allowances alongside European competitors, as long as this system is compatible with WTO (World Trade Organization) requirements."
French idea
The idea of climate trade sanctions against nations such as the United States has long been promoted by the French.
They say it is unfair for Europe's firms to bear a financial risk because of the EU's leadership on a global issue.
They believe the right measures would be acceptable to the WTO, which in some cases allows countries to impose charges on environmental grounds.
But US trade representative Susan Schwab said on Monday that climate change should not be used as an excuse for protectionism. And EU Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson agreed that restrictions were not "the way forward".
He has been overruled by Mr Barroso, who will be aware of the effects of his words not just in Washington but also in Beijing and Delhi.
Last night's speech at Lehman Brothers Bank in Canary Wharf was quite warmly received by an audience mainly of investors.
John Llewellyn of Lehman Brothers said Mr Barroso was right to make the threat of trade sanctions, and right to insist that they would be very much the last resort.
He said: "I have heard quite prominent Americans say they would recommend to the Europeans that they did it (impose trade measures). But it's not the way to go if you can possibly avoid it."
Tom Burke of environment consultancy E3G said the soft threat would focus minds among other major polluters in future climate negotiations.
"What was really important in the way Barroso raised the issue of compensatory adjustments is that it sends a very strong signal about how serious Europe is about this," he said.
"People need to understand that Europe sees climate change as in its national interest. And Europe's going to fight pretty aggressively to protect the interest of 450 million Europeans."
JANUARY
30th
2008
I am spending hours listening to the EU (Amendment) Bill in the House
of Commons. The discussion has been on Energy Policy and shared
competencies. I realise we do need an opposition party, and they even
have a duty to pick holes and suggest amendments, but all we have from
the Conservative back and front benches is a mixture of deliberate
obfuscation, distortion of the truth and a display of profound
ignorance. Fortunately it sounds as if the other parties and some
intelligent Conservatives not present at this stage have sufficient
competence to get through this rubbish and eventually get this bill
passed.
FEBRUARY 13th 2008
It is indeed a question of trust.
Would
you
rather
trust
the
vote
of
the
entire
adult
population
of
the
UK,
many
of
whom
do
not
read
or
write
or
understand
English
or
have
any
knowledge
of
the
Lisbon
Treaty
in
any
other
language,
others
who
are
hopelessly
misinformed
by
the
UK
press,
others
whose
financial
interests
are
served
by
keeping
the
UK
out
of
the
EU
and
who
put
these
interests
above
that
of
the
nation?
Or would you trust the votes of the members of our two houses of
Parliament who have spent much of their lives considering the issues,
observing the evolution of the EU and debating the treaty in great
detail?
It
is indeed a no brainer. We should accept the verdict of parliament. The
Constitution was abandoned by France and others because of the
impossibility of presenting the issues in a manner that a referendum
could handle. To have a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty, devised for
the very purpose of avoiding a referendum that could have an outcome
both meaningless and tragic, would be half-witted. Every EU country
agrees.
I
am in favour of a referendum to stay in or pull out of the EU. It would
be irresponsible to the level of madness to pull out, but I think the
UK does need a medical opinion on its state of mental, as well as
physical heath, and the sooner the better.
Meanwhile
we
still
have
to
put
up
with
this
arsehole
Wheeler.
Well,
I
suppose
it's
good
for
us
to
have
to
deal
with
him.
Mr Wheeler, a prominent Conservative Party donor, told the BBC he had issued a "letter before the claim" to Prime Minister Gordon Brown.
Mr Brown has rejected a public vote on the treaty as he says it does not change the UK constitution.
But Mr Wheeler says he wants a judicial review of the PM's decision.
He told BBC Radio 4's Today programme he supported the campaign for a referendum but said he felt a legal challenge might be the best way of forcing one.
|
This is a very serious attempt
to get a referendum Stuart Wheeler |
Mr Wheeler has sent the letter to Mr Brown giving notice of the claim and expects to have a court hearing to decide on his request for a judicial review.
He said he expected to get permission for the review and had been told that the EU treaty - now known as the Lisbon Treaty - could not be ratified while a review was pending.
Mr Wheeler described his legal challenge as "a very serious attempt to get a referendum".
If he is granted permission to apply for a judicial review, Mr Wheeler will claim voters had a "legitimate expectation" that a referendum would be held after one was promised on the EU Constitution.
The government will have 21 days to respond to this before the case comes before a judge.
Breach of contract?
Judicial reviews can last for more than a year, although Mr Wheeler said he expected the government to respond quickly in order to "expedite" the process.
There has never been a case of anyone successfully challenging a government's manifesto pledge in court.
Mr Wheeler said he had originally intended to claim the government was illegally handing powers to Brussels - but had been advised he stood a greater chance of success if he challenged the government over allegedly breaking its manifesto commitment.
|
TREATY CHANGES
European Council president, who will serve for
two-and-a-half years rather than countries taking six month turns
New post combining the jobs of the existing
foreign affairs supremo and the external affairs commissioner
Smaller European Commission, with fewer
commissioners than there are member states, from 2014
Redistribution of voting weights between
member states
New powers for European Commission, European
Parliament and European Court of Justice
Removal of national vetoes in a number of
areas
|
He said believed he had an "excellent" chance of gaining a referendum but he would also be happy for his legal bid to delay ratification.
In a separate case, to be heard at Brighton County Court on 7 February, former Labour activist Stuart Bower, now a member of the UK Independence Party, is claiming the government broke its promise to hold a referendum on the European Constitution.
The court will have to decide whether the government's refusal to hold one is a breach of contract with Labour voters at the 2005 general election.
The legal bid comes as MPs begin a 12-day debate on whether to ratify the Lisbon Treaty, signed last month by EU leaders.
The government is promising line-by-line scrutiny of the document, but the Tories and Lib Dems say more Commons time needs to be set aside.
Home Secretary Jacqui Smith, opening debate on the justice, migration and home affairs aspects of the treaty, said it would "speed up extradition, strengthen our borders and improve asylum negotiations".
It would also give more protection for children and new ways of sharing information "vital to our efforts to tackle terrorism and serious crime", she said.
"Our citizens are safer and our country more secure from our active involvement in the EU," she added.
Economic summit
But Conservative shadow attorney general Dominic Grieve said the treaty had the potential to "undermine the UK's criminal justice system".
He asked why if the government thought the Lisbon treaty reforms were "such a positive move" it had to negotiate "so many opt-outs and opt-ins?"
As debate continued, Gordon Brown met Nicolas Sarkozy of France, Angela Merkel of Germany, Romano Prodi of Italy and European Commission president Jose Manual Barroso to discuss the global economy.
The Lisbon Treaty replaces the European Constitution, which was rejected by voters in France and the Netherlands in 2005.
All 27 EU countries will have to ratify the treaty before it can come into force.
The treaty contains many of the reforms outlined in the constitution - including changes to voting rights and the creation of a European Commission president - but drops the name "constitution", a reference to EU symbols and an article on the primacy of EU law.
On Monday, the government won a Commons vote for a 12-day debate on ratification by a majority of 56. The opposition had wanted 18 days.
FEBRUARY
25th
2008
Wow!
Superb
debate
going
on
here,
with
excellent
contributions
from
all
three
parties.
Very
important
being
raised
today
on
the
Overseas
Development
policy
and
functions
of
the
EU.
I
will
in
due
course
locate
the
Hansard
entries
and
put
a
link
here.
A
very
interesting
point
was
raised
by
Labour
MP
Colin
Burgon
who
queried
the
validity
of
the
default
policy
of
trade
liberalisation,
with
only
very
few
exceptions
on
specified
products
in
specified
cases,
as
the
unarguable
way
to
prosperity
and
the
lessening
of
poverty
throughout
the
globe.
Earlier
Gary
Streeter
for
the
Tories
made
a
significant
contribution
on
the
efficiency,
efficacy
and
democratic
improvements
he
would
like
to
see.
The
delivery
of
EU
aid
to
the
countries
that
need
it
needs
improvement.
It
is
too
often
late
and
ineffective.
Tony
Baldry
(Cons)
says
the
public
are
being
cheated
out
of
a
debate,
but
damn
it,
this
is
it!
Many
other
important
points
raised.
This
demonstrates
why
Parliament
is
the
place
to
debate
and
decide
all
these
matters.
The
whole
country
can,
if
people
have
the
time,
watch
these
debates
or
a
recording
of
them.
We
know
there
is
much
that
needs
improving
in
the
EU.
But
failing
to
ratify
this
treaty
will
not
help.
Fortunately
it
will
be
ratified
-
unless
rebels
fed
up
with
the
Common
Fisheries
Policy
take
the
opportunity
to
bugger
the
entire
treaty.
Heathcote
Amory's
contribution
I
found
contradictory.
He
is
a
simple
'trade
liberaliser'
but
now
finds
himself
hoist
by
his
own
petard
and
pretending
not
to
be.
We
all
understand
the
benefits
of
Trade
Liberalisation,
but
every
philosophy
taken
too
far
causes
the
seeds
of
its
own
destruction
to
germinate.
Heathcoat
Amory
says
the
treaty
will
limit
our
scope
to
make
bilateral
trade
treaties.
The
point
is,
however,
that
we
can
and
should
make
the
necessary
corrections
in
solidarity
with
the
EU
to
make
them
effective.
Clarification
is
needed
however
and
this
debate
will
no
doubt
lead
to
it.
There
is
one
point
on
which
I
agree
even
with
Bill
Cash;
The
EU
is
not
a
body
appropriately
tasked
with
alleviating
world
poverty.
It's
job
is
to
look
after
the
EU
and
to
help
other
countries
to
organise
their
political
affairs
by
building
similar
peaceful,
democratic
institutions
that
encourage
competition
where
it
is
beneficial
and
limit
competition
where
it
is
inapropriate
in
a
world
of
limited
resources
and
a
problem
with
its
population
growth.
FEBRUARY
26th
2008
Another day's debate on the Lisbon Treaty (amendment) Bill
Thank God for Bob Marris, who sits there quitely and patiently and
intervenes to point out when rubbish is talked or a good point needs
support and further clarification. Austin Mitchell made some
particularly interesting points on the Fisheries policy. It is sure the
CFP is not working and what is happening is a waste, The problem is
that UK fishermen SOLD all the quotas that are now held up as theft of
our fish by foreigners. As usual Bill
Cash and Duncan Smith bored away with their usual negative view of the
entire universe except Britain. Cash asked all viewers to write in to
the BBC. So I wrote:
I am watching the BBC Parliamentary Channel
and Mr
Bill Cash, speaking now, is asking all viewers to write in to the BBC
and ask for an increase in some way (don't ask me how) of the coverage
of the debate on the Lisbon Treaty.
He claims that the public are not getting access to the debate and the
arguments.
I have to disagree. The public have access to everything they need. The
text is at the Stationery Office. The BBC coverage is good. I
understand
everything Mr Cash is saying, on all the points he is raising. He is no
doubt sincere but is incapable of understanding that while much of the
facts he puts are correct his understanding of the EU and what the
effect of the Lisbon Treaty will be is faulty.
This treaty is good, it is necessary, and will not have the bad effects
he fears.
FEBRUARY
27th
2008
Today,
Nick Hurd for Tories got stuck into some realistic arguments in
favour of the EU taking an even more active role to get its excellent
start on measures to combat climate change followed through. The carbon
trading rules need carifying, updating and enforcing. It is good to
have an intelligent Tory explaining to his party that we should get
this Treaty ratified and move on to much more ambitious international
agreements.
What
a pity that Dominic Grieve, whose French pronunciation is better than
mine, does not understand the use of the word SHALL in EU Treaties. I
remember well from my time as Secretary to the Statutes Committee of
the FAI that once one has a text in French and English it clarifies
rather than confuses the meaning. Bill Cash intervened to put the
interpretation that is incorrect and then criticise the clause. How
dishonest, how paranoid can you get.
MAY
20th
2008
The Credit Crunch as it is now called and the associated market
and currency turmoil has shown in clear relief how the EU and the Euro
single currency has saved Europe from a serious and chaotic crash. The
President of the European Central Bank, Jean Claude Trichet, understood
what to do, had the power to do it, and did it. It was EMU plus the
Euro which gave him the power. This prevented a run on EU banks and
avoided a nast mess for many companies and individuals. It was this
action that gave the Bank of England the ability to follow suit a long
time later. If ever there was a proof of the need for a single European
currency for '"The Twelve", this has to be it. Now there are 15. It
remains to be seen which further EU countries will be fit to join the
monetary union, if any. There are some who are damned lucky to have
been allowed to join in the first place. All
EU
Member
States
form
part
of
Economic
and
Monetary
Union
(EMU),
which
can
be
described
as
an
advanced
stage
of
economic
integration
based
on
a
single
market.
It
involves
co-ordination
of
economic
and
fiscal
policies
and,
for
those
countries
fulfilling
certain
conditions,
a
single
monetary
policy
and
a
single
currency
–
the
euro.
MAY
31st
2008
The UK energy markets have previously been thought of as a jewel in the
crown of de-monoplised and competitive industries. Now, our consumers
are suffering more that other EU countries. We considered that any
temporary advantage for European consumers that derived from cosy
relationships or even identity of producers, suppliers and distributors
would give way in time to inefficiency and featherbedding of such
protected monopolies. However it seems that Europe is getting the best
of both worlds, with increasing confidence in free EU markets. What
none of our politicians has the courage to point out is that it is the
full monetary union, the adoption of the Euro, that has allowed those
EU members to move forward in confidence. We gained unfairly from our
opt out from the Euro. Now the British public is going to pay the
price, and it is going to hurt, hard and long. The strength of the Euro
has a downside too for its members, but it is its own protection
against many elements of this downside and the advantages are huge.
JUNE
12th
2008
If the Irish sabotage the Lisbon Treaty it wll tell us something rather
unsettling about a lot of people now living there...
JUNE
13th
2008
It has taken just over 800,000 Irish to bugger up the Lisbon Treaty.I
think we should just ignore them, there are far more intelligent Irish
but for some reason they didn't come out to vote.
The
count
showed
862,415
people
voted
'No'
while
752,451
voted
'Yes'.
Turnout
was
53.1
per
cent
of
the
electorate.
The
right
thing
to
do
would
be
to
chuck
then
out
of
the
EU
but
we
won't
do
that
because
half
the
UK
population
are
even
more
clueless.
Jeezuss,
I
don't know why people of
goodwill bother, one might as well go and live on a beach somewhere in
the south seas and live off coconuts. If referenda had ever been the
way to create or maintain civilization some country would have figured
it out over the last 5,000 years; we all know they are a recipe for
disaster.
The one unanswerable criticism of the
campaign against the Lisbon Treaty is that its advocates had to base
their case on lies. Garbage-in-garbage-out will get the wrong answer
even from a computer.
OCTOBER
4th
2008
This is good news,,,
UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown is to propose a £12bn EU fund to help keep small businesses afloat during the economic crisis.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/7652459.stm
OCTOBER 5th 2008
There was obviously not time to do anything of great significance at
the meeting yesterday of the big 4 EU members and the main EU money
technocrats other than declare solidarity. Howerver there is a
scheduled EU meeting coming up shortly and at that I expect
considerably more international coordination to move towards a new
global financial system. I realise it will not be easy.
DECEMBER
2nd
2008
While the EU has shown some collective initiative and many countries
including Denmark are likely to change their mind and join the Euro
after another referendum, there is still a reluctance to assume
collective responsiblity. John Vinocur's article in the IHT is worth a
read.
BERLIN: Way down at the bottom of the left-hand column on Page 32, the boldface type says: "Europe: Losing Clout in 2025."
The message is clear, and so is Europe's possible position not fully in the front row of the world arena projected by the U.S. National Intelligence Council in its report, Global Trends 2025.
When it appeared two weeks ago, the document was largely read for its notion of a United States that, while still militarily pre-eminent, would have diminished power and prerogatives in a changed world of multiple poles of influence. Now, the NIC report has a second resonance.
It follows a fortnight in which the European Union flailed and basically settled for to-each-his-own solutions in dealing with the crisis in the real global economy.
(And it comes after some European leaders sensed they could no longer hide from a deep recession by saying America's financial meltdowns represented creative destruction for the rest of the world - the dollar's demotion, and the end of New York as the world's financial center.)
Although its judgment is wadded by a cushion of conditional phrasing, the NIC points to a Europe that doesn't necessarily become one of the new poles of global power.
The report talks of an EU with citizens skeptical of deeper integration, distracted by internal bickering and competing national agendas and possibly, over the next two decades, "less able to translate its economic clout into global influence."
Sound familiar? It's in the moan of Europe's pre-winter winds. It's in the howl of a European paradox that wants more of a say as a global decider just when its own view of European cohesiveness is less convinced.
Examples: In France last week, Le Monde produced a banner headline that said: "Stimulus packages: American willfulness, European hesitations." At the same time, Germany's biggest financial newspaper, Handelsblatt, offered a Page 1 commentary comparing "Americans who are able to rise as a single man" in times of crisis to an EU "where everyone's own concerns are his priority."
The NIC piles it on: Shrinking populations will mean slower employment growth, taking 1 percent off Europe's gross domestic product. By 2025, non-European minorities could reach 15 percent or more in all Western Europe countries and "likely heighten tensions." If Europe fails to diversify its energy supply, its dependence on Russia will result in "constant attentiveness to Moscow's interests by key countries, including Germany and Italy."
At that point, you could easily say, this vision comes from folks who missed seeing (ahead of time, anyway) the fall of the Soviet Union or Indian nuclear tests.
But there's an unusual moment of frankness among Europeans about Europe's future these days. It's attached to the sense of crisis and drift here, and connects with Barack Obama's coming to power in America. The contrast with new optimism on the other side of the Atlantic is strong.
Joschka Fischer, the former German foreign minister, has written, "At the end of this global crisis, Europe will simply have become less important."
This is because he believes, for its own reasons of power and economics, America will diminish its Atlantic orientation in favor of the Pacific while "Europeans, doing nothing, watch their own downfall in power politics." The United States, Fischer thinks, is renewing itself through Obama at the same time that Europe, rather than seeking greater unity, "is re-nationalizing during this crisis and turning itself back to the past."
"Where are the strong leaders in Europe who will move in the direction of unification?" Fischer asked in a conversation here. There was no reply.
In France, there's something of the same tone.
Hubert Védrine, who served as foreign minister under Jacques Chirac, has argued that Obama will continue to take American leadership in the world as a given.
"Today," he told a French reporter, "for the United States, Europe represents neither a problem, nor a threat, nor an answer to its problems."
So what does Europe do to set out a credible claim for a co-equal's role in a multipolar word? Védrine's answer: create a realistic foreign policy, which presupposes the EU members agree on "what's necessary to do on Russia and China."
You may titter here. Europe's assertion of "no business as usual with Russia," while resuming strategic partnership talks with a Moscow regime whose troops remain in Georgia, looks like very much business indeed.
At the same time, in what has the appearance of a targeted affront to both the EU, and the current EU president, Nicolas Sarkozy, China has called off their summit meeting - a rising great power dressing down a more marginal player - because of Sarkozy's plan to talk soon with the Dalai Lama.
Add this: If it comes to EU foreign policy unity on a really tough initiative like new sanctions involving oil against Iran, a European official now estimates 8 to 10 members would reject them.
It's not the shining hour of a new international big-leaguer.
A stopgap answer on how to make Europe look more of a piece lies in private conversations under way to set up a kind of European presidium, involving Germany, France and Britain, and meant to give the EU the allure of sure-handed direction.
In the process, it would also brutally split the EU between big and little guys because the directorate's immediate purpose would be to remove effective control from the Czechs and the Swedes, who follow one another into the EU's rotating presidency in 2009.
All this lends some credibility to the National Intelligence
Council's uncertain claim to wisdom on Europe in 2025 - only "slow
progress" toward becoming the global actor it envisions; and real
issues, involving the choice of painful reforms, that could leave it "a
hobbled giant."
http://www.iht.com/articles/2008/12/01/europe/politicus.php
DECEMBER
15th
2008
The EU summit has been frankly
disappointing on the Climate Change
front. Germany, Italy, Poland all dragging us back. It is not good
enough.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/7781024.stm
FEBRUARY 24th 2009
Watchdog
is
a
provocative
word
which
will
no
doubt
cause
a
knee-jerk
reaction
from
UK
Europhobes.
The
fact
remains
that
we
need
an
EU
body
to
oversee
the
new
measures
that
are
required
to
recover
from
the
global
recession
and
move
forward
with
a
coordinated
stimulus
to
create
a
new
type
of
economy,
one
which
is
not
a
threat
to
the
environment,
not
built
on
personal
debt,
not
reliant
on
hypocritical
closed
eyes
to
impose
rules
where
it
suits
and
allow
them
to
be
broken
where
necessary
to
justify
the
success
of
political
obsessions,
not
reliant
on
tax
havens.
Perfection
is
a
foolish
goal
but
to
survive
we
need
to
do
better.
We
do
not
need to go to a watchdog with teeth, what we need is one with eyes,
ears and the ability to bark. The enforcement of reasonable behaviour
can then be left to the democratic instruments our nations each already
accept. The sanctions can be those of exclusion and the withdrawal of
privilege, membership or assistance.
The City of London and other financial institutions should be supervised by a new pan-European watchdog, a European Commission report will recommend.
Its proposals, written by ex-Bank of France Governor Jacques de Larosiere, will include an EU-wide supervisory scheme for banks and financial bodies.
Supporters say the banking system is too big and crosses too many borders for national supervision to function.
But the UK government will wait to see the details before responding.
Tighter regulation
The independent group was set up by European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso in November to look at ways of improving supervision of the financial sector.
It followed criticism that Europe's response to the credit crunch and the crisis in the financial sector was too nation-based and needed more EU involvement, possibly via the European Central Bank.
The report will run to around 30 recommendations, but it is the call for the pan-European watchdog which will attract the most attention.
Its aim would be to give an early warning of the kind of mistakes that led to the financial crisis.
BBC Europe Editor Mark Mardell said supporters of the scheme would like to see national bodies like the UK's Financial Services Authority made subordinate to the new institution.
He added that Prime Minister Gordon Brown has relaxed his previous opposition to tighter regulation at a European level, but the government will wait to see the level of supervision recommended before giving its response.
APRIL 6th 2009
Supporter
though
I
am
of
the
EU,
Lord
Hoffman
is
right
on
the
button
here.
We
must
not
ignore
his
warning
and
nor
should
the
rest
of
Europe.
In
my
view,
it
is
because
we
take
the
Court
of
Rights
so
seriously,
having
drafted
much
of
its
constitution,
that
we
obey
it
so
rigorously.
All
the
more
reason
to
ensure
it
is
staffed
by
people
who
know
what
they
are
doing.
But
it
is
not.
Unless
and
until
it
is,
we
should
get
the
situation
clarified
and
state
clearly
our
reservations
and
if
it
comes
to
it,
exceptions.
A senior British judge has accused the European Court of Human Rights of going beyond its jurisdiction and trying to create a "federal law of Europe".
Lord Hoffmann, the second most senior Law Lord, said the Strasbourg court had imposed "uniform rules" on states.
The judge said rulings that had gone against domestic decisions were "teaching grandmothers to suck eggs".
He said he supported the European Convention on Human Rights but not the institution that applies the law.
In a lecture to fellow judges, published this week, Lord Hoffmann said the European Court in Strasbourg had been unable to resist the temptation to "aggrandise its jurisdiction" by laying down a "federal law of Europe".
The court should not be allowed to intervene in the detail of domestic law, he said.
Lord Hoffmann - who is due to retire - added that this had led to the court being "overwhelmed" by a growing backlog of 100,000 cases.
The court's president, Jean-Paul Costa, said earlier this year there was a risk of "saturation" unless measures were agreed to reduce the caseload.
Pinochet controversy
The European Court of Human Rights aims to apply and to protect the civil and political rights of the continent's citizens.
The court, set up in 1959 in the French city of Strasbourg, considers cases brought by individuals, organisations and states against the countries bound by the European Convention on Human Rights, which are all European nations except Belarus.
In 1989 Lord Hoffmann had a decision of his overturned, after he controversially ordered freelance journalist Bill Goodwin to reveal the sources of an unpublished article for The Engineer magazine.
Over a period of seven years the case went all the way to the European Court for Human Rights, where it was eventually thrown out.
South African-born Lord Hoffmann also attracted controversy for his role in the extradition proceedings against General Augusto Pinochet.
The judge had contributed to a decision that the former Chilean leader could be arrested and extradited for crimes against humanity, without emphasising his links to human rights group Amnesty International.
He was serving as an unpaid director of the charity, and his wife Gillian was a long-serving administrative assistant at Amnesty's London office.
The case led to an unprecedented setting aside of the original House of Lords judgement.
JUNE
7th
2009
Today we had the results of elections to the European Parliament. They
can be Googled of course. The turnout was not very high but I don't see
that as a problem, those who understood or thought they understood
anything about the issues will have voted in sufficient numbers. In the
UK, UKIP got a depressingly high vote in some areas though not in
London. Labour did badly but thee are many reasons for that. The Green
UK vote went up a lot (50%) and that's OK though they will not get more
MEPs. There was some talk that the results would affect whether or not
Gordon Brown might resign if Labour did badly. I can't think why. It is
true he might resign if the party does not shape up and get back to
work, but not unless they force the issue by the book and come up with
a better leader. It is just possible they might do that before the next
election but certainly not now, that would be really stupid.
OCTOBER
3rd
2009
Finally the Irish get the message on the Lisbon Treaty. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/8288181.stm
The
Czechs
had
better
not
hold
this
up
now,
there
is
work
to
do.
NOVEMBER 3rd 2009
The
Czechs
have
signed,
after
getting
a
similar
opt
out
on
some
human
rights
stuff
that
they
thought
might
be
needed,
because
of
past
history
more
than
future.
The
UK
has
an
opt
out
in
the
same
part
of
the
treaty.
But
at
last
the
Lisbon
Treaty,
which
was
both
essential
and
inevitable
in
order
to
formalise
what
was
being
done
and
going
to
be
done
anyway
with
or
with
out
the
damned
treaty,
is
law.
That
means
if
any
country
tries
to
get
an
advantage
by
breaking
the
laws,
sensible
and
peaceful
proportionate
counter
measures
can
be
taken
by
other
EU
members
to
make
it
not
worth
their
while.
So
much
better
than
calling on Harry Hill to
organise a fight.
It
also means (even better) we can soon stop listening to the two clowns
William Haigh and David Cameron pretending they were going to have a
referendum. If we did have one that didn't accept the treaty we would
have had to do what the Irish did and have a second one, the next time
explaining to the brain-damaged what it is all about.
What
we
really
need
in
the
UK
is
a
new
political
party.
The
Liberals
can't
be
that
as
they
have
their
own
share
of
air-heads
and
Clegg
talks
bollocks
half
the
time.
So
it
will
have
to
be
Labour
again
if
we
want
a
rational
government.
Trouble
is
I
can't
take
any
more
Ed
Balls.
NOVEMBER 5th 2009
The opinion of most European statesmen that Camerons pronouncements on
the latest Tory policy on the EU are "pathetic", a word applied to them
by a French politician with which practically all agree, is apt.
Cameron has already put the UK at a considerable disadvantage in
Europe. See http://www.emcmillanscott.com/8.html
and
http://www.emcmillanscott.com/10.html
David Cameron's appalling behaviour as he tries to retain leadership of
a party of half-baked dinosaurs is causing damage to the UK's national
interest that can only be undone by the consistent goodwill of our
European friends. Fortunately we still have many, but we really do not
make things easy for them. If the Tories ever come to power again it
would be a disaster. We can now see them revealed as a psychological
and political mess worse than old Labour by some degrees.
See http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/8343022.stm
for the news that Cameron wants to renegotiate treaties. His remarks
about having future referenda are harmless because meaningless. He has
no idea what the pooling of sovereignty to get strength, as opposed to
the giving up of sovereignty (not required), means.
NOVEMBER 20th 2009
EU leaders have chosen the Belgian Prime Minister, Herman van
Rompuy, to be the first permanent European Council President. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/8367589.stm
They have chosen Baroness Ashton as the EU High Representative
for Foreign Affairs
These are both
superb choices. Yet the UK print media has spent the last few weeks
writing complete drivel on the process and continues to do so. Then we
have Mr Portillo, who for a brief period a year or two back I though
had developed some signs of wisdom, complaining that the election of
these two was "not democratic". In fact he thinks they were "not
elected".
I think it would
be hard to find a more democratic institution than the EU, where the
heads of state, each themselves chosen by political parties made of of
members of parliament elected by universal suffrage, choose beween them
the people to fill the most important diplomatic representative and
administrative posts. What possibe better way could there be of finding
the best people. MPs are elected to represent their constituents. On
their behalf they choose (the word 'elect' means to choose) their
leaders who in turn consult and build their team of ministers. In
parallel we also have a European Parliament to which the people in each
country can send EMPs to debate and vote on issues that affect
Community policy and interests. We have an EU Commission, and a Council
of Ministers, all with powers of scrutiny and assembly to discuss and
develop actions to help our nations work together to run our affairs in
way to achieve common wealth in a sustainable way.
What would be
really ridiculous would be to ask the entire EU population to pick from
a list of people of whom they knew nothing and whose work they did not
understand, the President of the Commission and High Representative for
Foreign Affairs. It is essential that these people are chosen by the
most xperienced political leaders who themselves have risen to power in
democratic political systems. The claim that because Baroness
Ashton has not stood for election in a UK constituency that she is 'not
accountable' is as absurd as claiming that an airliner captain is not
accountable because he has not been elected by the passengers. These
jobs are not for people who have talked their way to the top in the
columns of the tabloid press. They are for people who have worked their
way to the top like in any other business.
Baroness Ashton
has hit back at claims she does not have enough
experience for the post of EU high representative for foreign affairs
and security, though why she should have to is not clear. She as been
elected by her peers in the nations of Europe to be their spokesperson.
What great vote of confidence could anyone have.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/8369717.stm
FEBRUARY
2010
Greece is now a perfect example of the importance of Monetary Union in
the EU. After joining in a somewhat dubious economic state, the
stability of the currency gave Greece the chance to sort itself out.
Instead, it used the security of EMU to ignore all economic problems,
relying on growth to hide the truth. After a very short time it
was obvious to the rest of the EU that Greece was just cheating, and
blaming its troubles always on previous governments. Thank goodness the
credit crunch has blow the whistle.
Now,
saved
from
a
currency
collapse
because
part
of
the
Euro
Zone,
Greece
will
be
forced
to
face
the
music
and
bring
some
honesty
into
its
affairs.
It
will
not
be
allowed
to
default,
nor
will
it
be
assisted
in
a
way
that
will
prevent
it
facing
the
truth.
But
for
the
Euro
we
would
now
have
a
real
crisis
on
our
hands.
As
things
are,
Greece
will
have
to
grow
up
and
will
be
grateful
for
that
ever
afterwards.
There
are
still
some
dimwits
like
Lord
Lawson
who
don't
understand
the
difference
between
EMU
and
the
ERM
which
he
made
a
complete
fool
of
himself
over,
but
all
those
with
the
lights
on
upstairs
and
at
home
understand
only
too
well.
It
was
necessary
to
let
Greece
in
for
political
reasons
and
in
the
long
term
for
health
reasons.
It
was
not
a
question
of
naivety
or
optimism,
just
a
weary
process
that
had
to
be
gone
through,
including
the
current
crisis
because
we
didn't
have
the
guts
to
tell
them
to
shape
up
earlier.
I
do
wish
BBC
commentators
could
understand
this.
FEBRUARY 11th 2010
BRUSSELS (Reuters) – The European Parliament rejected on Thursday an agreement with the United States on sharing bank data, snubbing appeals from Washington for help in counter-terrorism investigations.
The nine-month interim agreement went into force provisionally at the start of February but some deputies opposed it on the grounds that it failed to protect the privacy of EU citizens.
Washington will now have to seek other ways to access information on money transfers in Europe.
It says such data is vital to track terror suspects.
(Reporting by Justyna Pawlak; Editing by Dale Hudson)
http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20100211/ts_nm/us_eu_usa_swiftBRUSSELS—Sharp disagreements opened up among European Union leaders at a summit here over a German-led plan to boost the competitiveness of weaker euro-zone economies, threatening to unsettle recently calm European financial markets.
The German proposals, backed by France, are viewed as the price for
an agreement to expand a bailout fund for the struggling economies of
the euro zone and give the fund greater powers to stem the region's
debt crisis—a move seen as critical to restoring confidence in the euro.
In
my view Merkel has the right ideas and if the EU and Euro are to
survive - and they must - the rest of us have got to understand what
it's all about
Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou has called on members of parliament to forge a "national accord" to deal with the country's debt crisis.
Speaking at the start of three days of debate, Mr Papandreou said the country was "at a crucial point" and risked a catastrophic default if it did not act.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-13830307Q: How likely is it that Greece will default on its debt?
A: Bond traders are betting a default is almost certain. It now costs more than ever to insure Greek debt. At prices quoted Friday, the insurance contracts suggest an 80 percent chance that Greece will default in the next five years, according to data from Markit, a financial information provider.
FACT:
The
very
idea
of
trying
to
insure
against
such
a
thing
is
fatuous.
The
global
financial
system
is
infested
with
organisations
and
individuals
trying
to
protect
themselves
from
the
conseqiuences
of
their
own
actions,
thereby
building
ridiculous
circular
games
of
parce
the
parcel
in
which
they
make
money
out
of
nothing,
a
recipe
nforn
disaster.
Insuring
against
it
ensures
both
its
inevitability
and
the
following
-
the
next
paragraph
in
the
article.
Q: Why is a potential Greek default such a big deal?
A: Greece has an economy roughly the size of Washington state, but the real worry is about a domino effect. Or, to use a better analogy, says Guy LeBas, chief fixed income strategist at Janney Capital Markets, think of it as a spider web — pluck one string and the whole thing shakes.
Exactly. Most economists think governments are to blame. They are, but not in the way these economists think. Economists play in a playground with money in currencies governments alone can ever guarantee. Now, as they make it hard for governments to manage, the fools are buying gold, bidding the value beyond the sensible level. No wonder from time to time we get a Mao Tse Tung who has an urge to send them all to work on the land!Shares have risen following the eurozone's agreement designed to resolve the Greek debt crisis.
UK and French markets gained more than 1% in morning trading, before slipping slightly, with the FTSE 100 index ending up 0.6% and the Cac 0.7% higher.
Eurozone
leaders
agreed
a
new
package
worth
109bn
euros
($155bn,
£96.3bn)
European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso has warned that the sovereign debt crisis is spreading beyond the periphery of the eurozone.
In
a
letter
to
European
governments,
he
called
on
them
to
give
their
"full
backing"
to
the
euro
currency
zone.
Bank shares have fallen in London after the UK said it would "resist" a financial transaction tax on EU members proposed by the European Commission.
The tax would raise about 57bn euros ($78bn; £50bn) a year and would come into effect at the start of 2014.
The objection raised by some people in this country are not only absurd, they are disgusting. They say that a European agreement is not sufficient, it must be global. By that they simply mean the US must be in on it, presumambly, since there is no need for the rest of the world's major nations to do it for a very simple reason: they are not running a ****ing big deficit on top of a ****ing big debt. Europe should lead the way, anyway. America has lost the leadership position on this even though for the moment the world is dependent on it like a bar that has become dependent on its drunks. The drunks can recover, but right now Europe must get its house in order and the UK being in the same boat must do the same, being part of the EU must do the same, and for reasons of simple fairness domestically must do the same. There is no argument here except with people are intellectually and morally beneath contempt.A European Union summit later this month will agree "decisive" measures to tackle the eurozone debt crisis, the French finance minister has said.
The summit would give "clear answers", said Francois Baroin at the end of talks between ministers from the G20 group of nations in Paris.
He said central banks "would continue to supply banks with liquidity".
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-15319026Climate change poses "an immediate, growing and grave threat" to health and security around the world, according to an expert conference in London.
Officers in the UK military warned that the price of goods such as fuel is likely to rise as conflict provoked by climate change increases
Mr Sarkozy lashed out at the PM over his demand to be included in talks about the Eurozone's future.
He was "sick" of reading about advice Mr Cameron and Chancellor George Osborne were offering, EU officials said. Mr Sarkozy snapped: "You don't like the euro, why do you want to be at our meeting?"
On the other hand Hague is sticking to the line on the referendum.Greece's PM George Papandreou has won a crucial confidence vote after promising to hold power-sharing talks.
In an address to parliament before the vote he ruled out snap elections, saying they would be "catastrophic".
He said he did not care about his post and the leadership of any government of national unity would be negotiable.
People stopped in the street by BBC reporters all blamed Papandreou and politicians for their troubles. I think they should all look closer to home and ask what choice they gave their politicians or any others who would have stood against them. However, the opposition party will not accept Papandreou as leader of a coalition or temporary aliance to pass the emergency bail-out.Mr Berlusconi denied on Facebook reports that he was about to resign.But talk of his possible resignation caused European markets to regain earlier losses and briefly turn positive.
That says a lot: that the markets judge any unknown future rather than more Berlusconi, the status quo, to be good news.Germany's goal is to stabilise the eurozone in its current form, German Chancellor Angela Merkel says.
Her comments followed an earlier report that Germany and France were discussing a radical overhaul of the EU towards a more integrated eurozone.
Too right. Merkel has worked out what the alternative is to making a go of EMU, and she is not in favour of chaos.Global stock markets surged as some of the world's big central banks launched plans for co-ordinated action aimed to support the financial system.
Wall Street's Dow Jones index saw its biggest gain since March 2009, rising 4.2%, after jumps on European bourses.
It came after the US Federal Reserve, European Central Bank, and the central banks of the UK, Canada, Japan and Switzerland acted to improve lending.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-15966753Banks should brace themselves to withstand the "extraordinarily serious and threatening" economic situation, the Bank of England governor has said.
The Bank's Financial Policy Committee (FPC) said the eurozone crisis was the biggest threat to the UK's banking system.
It said banks should build up their financial buffers to withstand that.
This is one of those moments when I am going to disagree violently with the Governor of the Bank unless the moves he advocates are to cut bonuses and dividends only. The UK should support the EU in the only possible future: to stay with the Euro and manage it properly. The Eurosceptics are the most ignorant people that have ever gained credibility on the world stage. It is almost impossible to explain the realities to them, such is their ignorance. There is only one good way forward. The very last thing banks should be doing right now is filling their coffers by either not lending or squeezing profits out of a non-expanding economy. There is NO SAFETY is building buffers of cash in banks whatsoever. Britain is part of the EU. We sink or swim together.Barnier urges Cameron and City to ‘play the game’ |
David Cameron and the City of London must
learn to “play the European game” and give up seeking UK exemptions
that would hurt the economy and endanger open trade, the European
Union’s top financial regulator Michel Barnier will warn on Monday http://link.ft.com/r/J0VG55/GD1DBT/A7I6YY/C4IGV0/ZG4KVT/28/h?a1=2012&a2=1&a3=22 |